Until what point Giorgia Meloni and the government you preside over are a danger to European unity? The question legitimately crosses not only the Italian debate, but also that of other EU countries. A useful interpretation is to distinguish rhetoric from reality. Starting from reality, it is essentially a matter of understanding to what extent the Italian government’s policy fits into the “main stream” of European strategies. This implies constant constructive dialogue not only with the Franco-German couple, but with many others regardless of the color of their government.
The policies implemented by the Meloni government
Foreign and security policy
The first topic is foreign and security policy, primarily with respect to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Italy’s policy has demonstrated this impeccably European and Atlantic; one could say, not only in the perfect wake of the Draghi Government but also of those that preceded it. It is worth noting that, thinking for example about concrete military aid to Ukraine, words have not always been followed by deeds; Furthermore, Italy remains one of the EU countries that are still far from reaching 2% of GDP in defense spending. However, it is legitimate to think that the current opposition would not have done better.
Economic policy
The second theme is that of economic policy which finds its central point in the so-called “stability pact”. After long negotiations, a compromise was reached in Brussels. During the negotiations, the Government’s requests were consistent with the traditional Italian position.
The climate transition
The third theme is that of the climate transition and the policies necessary to manage it. There is no doubt that in this case theThe Meloni government’s attitude is more reserved than that of a hypothetical centre-left government. However, it should be noted that the theme, after the initial enthusiasm, is currently the subject of much controversy across Europe. On the “green pact”, the European hour is currently for compromise and negotiation to take into account the reactions manifesting themselves in various sectors of society. From this point of view, the Italian government’s position is not far from that of the other major partners.
Immigration
The fourth theme is that of immigration. L’Italy has joined a European compromise which, if it embodies the hardening desired by all the member countries, is a lot far from the demagogic positions announced by Meloni during the electoral campaign. Moreover, the central point of the negotiations for Italy was the same as that carried out by previous governments: the complex question of the responsibilities of the countries of first entry and the distribution of arrivals.
From all this it is possible to draw a conclusion. Giorgia Meloni, elected to “defend the national interest”, understood that it coincides with the country’s desire to be part of the European “main stream” and to actively contribute to its consolidation. You therefore understood that thenational interest coincides with the “European and Atlantic bond” who has guided Italy’s politics for the last 70 years. A bond that confirms its function as an important element of democratic anchoring for the Italian Republic. In addition to active participation in the negotiations that led to the final compromises, Meloni quite successfully established a personal relationship with various European and Western leaders, even if not politically close to her, finding themselves in positions distant from others theoretically close to her such as the Hungarian Victor Orban. Among other things, many of the positions adopted during the negotiation phase were accompanied by the request for greater solidarity, especially in the form of joint funding. In other words, a request for “more Europe”: after all, the Italian position has always been.
The rhetoric of the Meloni government
If we move from reality to rhetoric, we must note that each of the choices illustrated previously was instead presented and defended before public opinion as a total break with the “cowardly and defeatist” policies of previous governments. Furthermore, while in practice working successfully with the EU as it is, Meloni continues to talk about a radical choice between a mythological “bureaucratic leviathan” and an equally mythological “Europe of nations”. Basically one typical rhetoric of sovereign populists which tends to criticize the EU not for what he does, but for what he is; or what it is claimed to be. A similar one disconnection between reality and rhetoric it serves to reassure an electorate that is partly sensitive to the promises of the electoral campaign, but above all to neutralize the attacks of the uncomfortable ally constituted by Matteo Salvini’s League. Paradoxically it also serves to force the opposition to struggle to criticize compromises not very far from those it would likely have accepted if it had been in power.
At this point, a legitimate question arises: is there a foreseeable point of arrival for Giorgia Meloni’s political path? Those who believe in her progressive transformation into a “normal” leader of European conservatism are probably wrong. The choice of realism in Europe is dictated by common sense, but it is largely opportunistic. The cultural roots of sovereignist rhetoric are Instead very strong. Even regardless of real or alleged fascist nostalgia, it is a culture steeped in statism and whose familiarity with the market economy is episodic to say the least. We must therefore resign ourselves to living with the disconnect between rhetoric and reality.
Another question then arises: how sustainable is that disconnection without Meloni having to face politically costly choices, internally or in Europe? There are some issues that will inevitably come to light as far as the implications of the commitments made by Italy at European level, for example in matters of the budget, industrial policy, or even immigration. Furthermore, if, as is desirable, some proposals from Italy and others to progress towards “more Europe” were to mature, Meloni would have to explain to his electorate that in the EU this always and necessarily involves some additional sharing of sovereignty.
Finally, the probably greatest unknown remains. The Italian choice to enter the European “main stream” depends largely on thepolitical balance of the rest of the EU. A major change in favor of sovereignist populists in the balance between governments would pose a serious problem for Meloni in redefining “the national interest”. Managing Orban or even Fico, people and governments that are quite marginal and whose interests are far from those of Italy, is relatively easy; in reality it is a task in which Meloni can help the “main stream”. In the end, the real black swan, the issue that could upset the balance and compromise the current strategy, would be a victory for Marine Le Pen in the next French elections. However, we are talking about 2027, a date that is still far away.
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Giorgia Meloni and the EU: between political pragmatism and sovereignist rhetoric
‘Dream’ next to cucumber cultivation the economy
– 2024-04-20 00:50:34
Although the prices of cucumbers are high in the market during Ramadan, at present cucumber farmers are in a lot of trouble with the price of cucumbers. However, the country’s best retail chain Supershop ‘Swapn’ has stood by the cucumber farmers in such a difficult time. Recently it was revealed in the media that the cucumber growers of Khansama Upazila of Dinajpur are disappointed because of not getting fair price.
Cucumbers are being sold for just 2 to 4 rupees per kg in the wholesale market. Farmers are not getting fair price. At that time, Swapan authorities contacted those cucumber growers and bought cucumbers at a fair price. Those cucumbers are now available at Swapna outlets at a lower price than the open market. On Thursday, cucumbers were sold at Tk 40 per kg in the open market, but customers can buy them at Swapna outlet at Tk 12 per kg, i.e. at an affordable price, which is lower than the open market.
In the meantime, Swapna representative has bought 2 tons of cucumber from Khansama area of Dinajpur and 6 tons of cucumber from Haluaghat area of Mymensingh.
Currently, their produced cucumbers have arrived at Swapna’s outlets, this offer will be available to customers while stocks last. Sabbir Hasan Nasir, executive director of Swapna, said that we came to know about the suffering of cucumber farmers through the news. After hearing about the suffering of farmers in Dinajpur, Mymensingh, etc., we bought cucumbers from them at a fair price. Other traders will also be called upon to come forward for farmers. Swapna has been trying to build bridges directly with farmers without benefiting middlemen. This effort will always continue.
Swapna’s Head of Purchase Sajjadul Haque said in this regard, after seeing the news of cucumber farmers’ crisis in various media, we have decided that we will stand by these farmers. We have already bought 8 tons of cucumbers from several areas including Dinajpur, Mymensingh. Even before ‘Dream’ has stood by the side of many farmers who are suffering in difficult times. There will be front and side.
‘Dream’ next to cucumber cultivation the economy – 2024-04-20 00:50:34
Aarau Dominates Thun with 3-0 Victory as FCT’s Hopes Dashed
The disaster for the people of Thun started early in the wet and cold Brügglifeld in Aarau. After 18 minutes, it was Nikola Gjorgjev who benefited from FCT’s disorganized defense and put Aarau ahead. Just six minutes later, it was Isaac Pappoe who was in the right place after a free kick from Gjorgjev and beat Mateo Matic in the Thun goal.
It was a mortgage that Mauro Lustrinelli’s side never succeeded in pursuing – although the Bernese Oberlanders were also unlucky. Valmir Matoshi’s supposed goal was disallowed for offside by Ihsan Sacko – even though the striker only touched the ball when it had already crossed the goal line . The Thun side could get no closer to a comeback, and when Kevin Djacko was sent off with a second yellow card and Valon Fazliu made it 3-0 shortly after, FCT’s hopes were dashed last.
With a view to Monday’s main fight at home against Sion, the people of Thun are under pressure. The Valaisians won 1-0 against Nyon on Friday with a goal from Dejan Sorgic (72nd) and are now seven points ahead of Thun with one game to go.
Short telegrams and ranking list
Schaffhausen – Neuchâtel Xamax FCS 1:1 (1:1). – 1019 viewers. – SR Schmölzer. — Goals: 25. Chaiwa (own goal) 0:1. 45. Nuno da Silva 1:1.
Bellinzona – Baden 4:0 (1:0). — SR Huwiler. — Goals: 1. Sörensen 1:0. 53. Devils 2-0. 65. Pollero 3-0. 75. Pollero 4:0.
Aarau – Thursday 3:0 (2:0). – SR Odiet. — Torre: 18. Gjorgjev 1:0. 24. Pope 2:0. 77. Fazliu 3:0. – Bemerkungen: 71. Gelb-Rote Karte gegen Djacko (Thun).
Sion – Stade Nyonnais 1:0 (0:0). – 7120 viewers. — SR Drmic. – Tor: 72. Sorgic 1:0.
Ranking: 1. Zion 31/67 (61:21). 2. Thursday 30/60 (55:34). 3. Aaron 30/40 (45:45). 4. Neuchâtel Xamax FCS 31/40 (44:39). 5. Stade Nyonnais 30/38 (39:45). 6. Will 29/37 (38:38). 7. Vaduz 29/35 (48:44). 8. Bellinzona 30/34 (30:42). 9. Schaffhausen 30/32 (31:45). 10. Baden 30/24 (25:63).
2024-04-19 20:30:09
#Zion #step #promotion
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