Money laundering: Lega under suspicion (neue-deutschland.de)

Unsurprisingly, Matteo Salvini denies all allegations.

Photo: Roberto Monaldo.Lapre / LaPresse / ZUMA Press / dpa

It was like a scene from a political thriller: when security officers left his house, Luco Sostegni approached and arrested the former accountant for the Lega party. The officers found 25,000 euros in his suitcase, plus bus and plane tickets. Sostegni apparently wanted to move to Brazil. Other letters, which were also in his luggage, indicate that the ex-partner of the cultural organization Lombardia Film Commission (LFC) expected further payments: From September 20, he should receive tranches of 7,000 euros every three weeks.

Examining magistrate Giulio Fanales of the Milan Public Prosecutor’s Office said the sums were apparently hush money. Since June 9, the authorities have been investigating Lega financial accountants Michele Scillieri, Alberto Di Rubba and Andrea Manzoni for embezzling public funds. The investigation is still concerned with the “disappeared” 49 million euros that the former separatist party, today led by ex-Interior Minister Matteo Salvini, received as a campaign refund for the years 2008 to 2010. Wrongly, as it turned out over the years, why the Lega was sentenced by the district court in Genoa to repay the sums.

Judge Fanales hopes that the arrests of the arrested Sostegni will shed light on the financial darkness. In the specific case, it is about money laundering disguised as real estate trading. It all started when LFC President Alberto Di Rubba proposed buying a new company headquarters in 2018. The Lombardy region – the main partner of LFC – provided 400,000 euros. Financial advisor Di Rubbas was Michele Scillieri. Its bankrupt company Paloschi offered a property in the bacon belt of Milan for the same amount. In early 2019, the same property was first sold to Andromeda, which is also controlled by Scillieri. After a short reconstruction of the building, it was sold to the LFC for 800,000 euros. The result: 100 percent profit in eleven months. The purchase amount was also raised by the Lombardy region, where the Lega rules. Arrested Luca Sostegni probably served as the straw man for this trade.

The whole thing could be taken off as criminal machinations of unscrupulous financial experts if the three suspects were not part of the narrow circle of the Lega party leadership. The “new” Salvinis party had established itself in Michele Scillieri’s office in December of last year: the former Lega Nord became the “Lega per Salvini Premier”, and the old party – together with the repayment claims of EUR 49 million – became the “Bad Bank” ” explained. Salvini believed that it was free from all demands. He repeatedly denied knowing anything about the campaign reimbursement and the request for repayments. In the case now to be determined, the ex-interior minister denies knowing the suspects – an absurd assertion given the history.

By order of the Milan court, Sostegni remains in custody. What he – and his financial colleagues – could still say should worry Matteo. The Lega is currently in a downturn in the poll. Shortly before the regional elections in the south, Salvini is unlikely to be prepared to be overwhelmed by a financial scandal.

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Bavaria: AfD defends controversial Ingolstadt club – Bavaria

After the fuss over the invalidity of the new constitutional protection report, the AfD defended the controversial Ingolstadt Research Center for Contemporary History (ZFI). Previously, a lawsuit filed by the ZFI, which is based on the controversy of history, had been successful at the Administrative Court in Munich – it must therefore not be listed in the report for 2019 under “right-wing extremism”. AfD parliamentary group leader Richard Graupner said that the decision strengthened freedom of expression, which in his view was “sorely needed”. One does not have to agree with all ZFI publications, but the fundamental right of freedom of science applies.

The CSU would generally use the protection of the constitution “to suppress undesirable positions,” said Graupner, who is an exponent of the (formally disbanded) ethnic “wing” of the AfD. This trend has recently been under the surveillance of the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution, in addition to the party young people Junge Alternative.

According to SZ information, AfD politicians also played a role in the ZFI’s reevaluation for the report – for example, a historian and party member who spoke at one of the conferences in Ingolstadt about “The lies of the Federal Republic of Germany”, an aggressive war policy Poland sees in the Second World War and tries to interpret the attack on the Soviet Union as “preventive war”.

“There were no actual indications of anti-constitutional efforts by the plaintiff,” the administrative court recently ruled, according to a spokesman. The Free State is therefore prohibited from describing the organization as right-wing extremist and from disseminating the constitutional protection report with the relevant passage. The report that Interior Minister Joachim Herrmann (CSU) presented in the spring was no longer available online. The final print version has not yet been published, it said.

The founder and motor of the ZFI was the Ingolstadt history teacher Alfred Schickel, who died in 2015. The obituary in the new right-wing weekly newspaper “Junge Freiheit” (JF) was entitled “Undeterred by left-wing scandals”; The author praised, among other things, that Schickel had made a “spectacular study” of the supposedly overestimated number of Polish war dead. In the 1990s, the focus of the protection of the constitution was on individuals, in the ZFI and its surroundings. Nevertheless, right-wing extremism as a whole has been denied up to the latest report by the State Office; even a few CSU politicians used to come to ZFI meetings or send greetings. The research center’s work is by no means entirely revisionist today, but is also devoted to more innocent subjects; In the past few years, however, the authorities had observed a shift in positions and, above all, bumped into individual speakers and essays with questionable theses from a right-wing extremist and also from the AfD environment.

The Bavarian Ministry of the Interior wants to wait for the written justification of the judgment and then decide whether legal remedies may be brought against the court decision. According to media reports, the head of the ZFI, the right-wing conservative journalist and church expert Gernot Facius, said that the protection of the constitution “had apparently made the factually inaccurate allegations against left-wing politicians from Ingolstadt and the surrounding area against the ZFI”. In this way, the research center also “made a name for maintaining the memory of the resistance fighters against the Nazi regime”.

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Bundeswehr social media chief networked with radicals – politics

The Ministry of Defense is investigating suspected right-wing extremism against the head of the Bundeswehr’s social media department. As the ARD political magazine “Panorama” reports, the lieutenant colonel has been connected to the social network Instagram with a follower of the “Identitarian Movement” for years and comments “I like” relevant contributions by the man with the network name “incredible bramborska”. This includes contributions with a clear connection to slogans of the “Identitarian Movement” such as “Defend Europe”.

The Office for the Protection of the Constitution classifies the “Identitarian Movement” as “secured extreme right”. Around 600 people are attributed to it nationwide. When asked for a “panorama”, the Federal Ministry of Defense announced that the allegations would be “immediately and carefully examined”. Defense Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer is pursuing an “absolute zero tolerance line, especially when it comes to right-wing tendencies”. Violations would not be tolerated.

According to the “Panorama” report, the lieutenant colonel also liked articles by his radical right-wing contact “incredible bramborska” in which he published books by the publisher Götz Kubitschek. Kubitschek is considered a chief ideologist of the so-called New Right. The lieutenant colonel is responsible for the Bundeswehr’s online campaigns, which are used to attract young people. He also played a leading role in the creation of the Bundeswehr’s social media guidelines.

© SZ / epd / saul / he

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“It is an incredibly painful experience for victims and survivors” (neues-deutschland.de)

Barbara John, Federal Government Ombudsman for NSU Victims

Photo: dpa / Christoph Schmidt

Magdeburg. The federal government ombudsman for the victims and survivors of the right-wing terrorist NSU, Barbara John, has criticized the unequal treatment of victims and perpetrators in terrorist processes. For victims, survivors and co-plaintiffs, it is often “unbearable” to have to relive the murderous events in the trials, said the chairwoman of the Berlin Joint Welfare Association and former Berlin immigration officers to the Evangelical Press Service (EPD) on Wednesday. At the same time, the perpetrator is given a stage where he can “present himself and wave like in a theater” and also find his followers.

“It is an incredibly painful experience for victims and survivors to hear it,” said John, who cared for the families of the right-wing terrorist victims in the NSU trial, which spanned more than five years. In addition, the victims and relatives are hardly heard in such court hearings. “The question is, is it inevitable in such processes that the perspective of those affected and their relatives takes a back seat,” said the ombudswoman. This question should also arise in the case of the Halle assassin in Germany.

The main trial against Halle’s assassin, Stephan B., continued on Wednesday in Magdeburg. The video was shown that B. had broadcast live on the Internet during the act. The co-plaintiffs should also have the opportunity to ask the defendant questions.

Stephan B. committed an attack on the Halle synagogue on October 9, 2019, shooting two people and injuring others. The federal prosecutor charged the 28-year-old with murder in two cases and attempted murder in several cases and other crimes. There are 43 co-plaintiffs represented by 21 lawyers.

The acts of the National Socialist Underground (NSU) by Uwe Böhnhardt, Uwe Mundlos and Beate Zschäpe between 2000 and 2007 fell victim to nine people with a migration background and one police officer in eight cities, according to the authorities’ findings. As the only survivor of the core group, Beate Zschäpe was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Munich Higher Regional Court on July 11, 2018. epd / nd

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Attila Hildmann rally in Berlin: Attila cooks brown sauce

Only observed by the police, right-wing extremist Attila Hildmann threatens his political opponents. Press representatives are also addressed.

Attila Hildmann at a rally in Berlin Photo: dpa

BERLIN taz | Once again, right-wing extremist cookbook author Attila Hildmann organized an author’s parade and a subsequent rally in the pleasure garden on Saturday. He had hung his car, which led the parade of around 40 cars, with a Reich war flag, followed by the slogan “Treue um Treue Deutschland”, reminiscent of the SS slogan “Our honor means loyalty”. Around 150 participants chanted his first name in front of the Altes Museum and celebrated Hildmann for his threats against political opponents.

After threatening the Green politician Volker Beck with death in his Telegram channel a few days ago, he repeated this publicly in his one-hour speech: “If I were Chancellor, I would reintroduce the death penalty for Volker Beck by crushing his eggs in a public place. ”When asked“ And who would want to join? ”he got loud approval. Beck has already filed a complaint – in the room there are allegations of insult, incitement and inciting a crime.

The police watched the incident without intervening. When asked by the taz, it was said on Sunday that there were insulting advertisements at the rally. However, one does not comment on individuals. Some participants were taken away who had not kept the minimum distance.

After Hildmann last exposed bounties of information on people he attributed to the Antifa scene, several criminal complaints had been received by the Brandenburg police, as confirmed on Twitter: “Up to now, the public prosecutor’s office has denied any criminal liability,” it says; however, the investigation would continue.

Attacks on the press

As can be seen on videos of the event on Saturday, Hildmann had spoken in Reichsbürgermanier manner of the “occupied territory of the FRG” and also said: “Hitler was a blessing compared to the communist Merkel, because she plans with Gates a global genocide of seven billion people . ”Bill Gates, who finances vaccine research through his foundation, is a hate symbol of corona-denying conspiracy ideologists.

Hildmann also rushed against an “equivalent red press”. Aggressive supporters disturbed the reporting of independent press representatives, for example from the Jewish Forum for Democracy and Against Anti-Semitism and the Center for Democratic Contradiction (democ). The police did not intervene to protect freedom of the press. At the end of June, journalists had been threatened and harassed by Hildmann and other participants to such an extent that they had to stop working.

Hildmann has also announced a parade and a rally for the coming Saturday. On August 1, he called for a rally in the pleasure garden for the evening. Before that, Corona deniers want to demonstrate on the Straße des 17. Juni from all over Germany. Dozens of buses are said to be already chartered. Several thousand participants are expected.

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Hessen: 69 threatening letters, same sender policy

Peter Beuth, the Hessian CDU interior minister, has to listen to a lot this Tuesday afternoon in the Hessian state parliament. The interior committee met there for a special meeting and to discuss the “NSU 2.0” affair, which is spreading further every day. “Your crisis management is underground,” accuses Nancy Faeser, the leader of the opposition SPD faction, Beuth. The Minister of the Interior only took action under public pressure, “that does not help to restore the integrity of the police”.

Left-wing MP Hermann Schaus scolds: “All in all, one can only speak of a catastrophic failure, for which I have no words!” His FDP colleague Stefan Müller shakes his head and says: “All of this cannot be explained!”

The opposition parties SPD, Linke and FDP submitted more than 50 questions to the interior minister in this special committee meeting of the Hessian state parliament. Why can’t the authors of the threatening letters be identified? What is going on in Hesse’s police stations when internal data can be called up there that will later appear in the letters from the sender NSU 2.0? Why did the interior minister only now learn that before the letters to the cabaret artist İdil Baydar and the left faction leader Janine Wissler, there were queries from two Wiesbaden police computers?

That afternoon, Beuth responded to allegations and questions for almost an hour. The message from the troubled minister: We are doing everything we can to solve the affair. “We will lead the fight against right-wing extremism with determination, we will conduct it with determination,” he says right at the beginning.

There was no relief for Beuth that day

A total of 69 threatening letters had been sent by the sender NSU 2.0 by Friday, he reports. They almost always came from the same return address. They were aimed at 27 people in eight federal states. In three areas, data from the women who were later threatened were called up via police computers. Beuth is once again presenting the concept with which he wants to turn off the threatening emails and restore trust in the police: new passwords, a better exchange of information between the authorities, a special investigator, an expert group that works on the model of the police.

“The change has to be well received,” says Beuth. Above all, however, he brought the Frankfurt chief prosecutor Albrecht Schreiber with him. For two years now, people have been working flat out, stressing that searches and telecommunications surveillance have been carried out, 30 witnesses interviewed, Interpol turned on, requests for legal assistance abroad, especially in the USA and Russia. The investigation was difficult because the perpetrator (s) operated “from the anonymity of the Internet and the Darknet”; one is currently sifting through enormous amounts of data. But, Schreiber emphasizes: “We are not yet at the end of our options.”

Opposition committee members remain dissatisfied, boring their questions. How could it be that the two officers, under whose names data were retrieved in the Wiesbaden districts, that there were no house searches, the cell phones were not evaluated? Why are they only listed as witnesses, is there only now a disciplinary procedure? Chief Prosecutor Schreiber replies that there is no sufficient initial suspicion. And the delays are due to the corona pandemic.

But were the threats against the cabaret artist İdil Baydar already known to the public prosecutor in October 2019? “You didn’t even know about the corona virus in China,” calls FDP man Müller. There was no relief for Beuth that day. And there is also the message: There are new hate emails, among others to the Green politicians Claudia Roth and Katrin Göring-Eckardt, the left chair Katja Kipping, the Berlin SPD State Secretary Sawsan Chebli.

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Halle’s assassin shows racist sentiment – politics

The trial of the accused began nine months after the right-wing terrorist attack in Halle. The 28-year-old openly displayed his racist outlook. When asked questions about his personal career, he spoke negatively several times about immigrants in his village in southern Saxony-Anhalt.

On October 9, 2019, Yom Kippur’s highest Jewish holiday, the assassin had tried heavily armed to storm the Halle synagogue. According to the federal prosecutor, he wanted to kill as many of the 52 visitors as possible. However, he could not gain access even with the use of weapons.

He then killed a passer-by in front of the synagogue and a man in a kebab snack bar. He also injured several people while fleeing before the police arrested him about 50 kilometers south of Halle a good hour and a half after the start of the crime.

When asked by the judge Ursula Mertens, whether he knew pity and empathy, Stephan B. regretted that he had shot the passerby. “I am very sorry that I shot her,” he said in Magdeburg at the trial of the Naumburg Higher Regional Court. For the first time during his testimony, his voice failed slightly. “I didn’t mean to shoot white people.” He shot the woman when he couldn’t open the door to the synagogue. He called the shots “short-circuit reaction”. The 40-year-old spoke to him from the side.

In the reading of the indictment it said earlier: Because he had found the 40-year-old inferior, he had denied her the right to life. He mistakenly thought his second victim, a 20-year-old, was a Muslim.

“After 2015 I decided to stop doing anything for this company”

Stephan B. is accused of 13 crimes, including two murders and several attempts to murder, among other things, the believers in the synagogue. The federal prosecutor accuses the accused of “having planned an assassination attempt on fellow citizens of the Jewish faith based on anti-Semitic, racist and xenophobic sentiments”.

The trial before the Naumburg Higher Regional Court takes place in Magdeburg’s largest trial room in Saxony-Anhalt due to the great public interest and for security reasons.

He answered shortly to questions from the presiding judge about his career. He had no good friends, nor was he in any club. He was particularly interested in the Internet because you could talk freely there.

After graduating from high school, he did a reduced military service and spent six months in Panzergrenadier in Lower Saxony. He found the military service exhausting and stupid, it was “not a real army”. He quit his studies due to illness, after which he lived into the day. “After 2015, I decided to stop doing anything for this company,” he said.

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Attila Hildmann: Tirades and a death threat – politics

The public prosecutor’s office in Cottbus is now investigating cookbook author Attila Hildmann in several cases, among other things because of incitement to the people. How many procedures are currently running is unclear, and it is also unclear when they will be completed. “We generally determine open results,” said Chief Prosecutor Detlef Hommes. “We will also have to measure that against Article 5, freedom of expression.” Hildmann lives in Brandenburg, the public prosecutor’s office in Cottbus also specializes in cybercrime.

Hildmann has been polemicizing and agitating against politicians and against people of Jewish faith for months. The anti-corona activist has organized demonstrations in Berlin since the beginning of the pandemic and spreads his tirades via social media, especially via the Telegram service. While his followers were rapidly disappearing, Hildmann tightened his crude statements. Recently he indirectly threatened the former member of the Greens, Volker Beck, via social media, to have him killed. Beck then reported Hildmann, several politicians requested an investigation by the police and public prosecutors.

The Brandenburg police received around 150 reports of possible violations of criminal law through Hildmann’s statements on social media every day. Three officials would mainly deal with the cookbook author’s posts, says Mario Heinemann, whose unit at the Brandenburg police is responsible for social media. If a post appears to be relevant under criminal law, it will be forwarded to colleagues from the State Criminal Police Office. “It has been going on forever,” says Heinemann.

The police did not intervene

Last week, after a conversation with the Cottbus public prosecutor’s office, his unit announced on Twitter that “criminal liability had so far been denied”. “It is good that the public prosecutor has now come to a different opinion,” says Heinemann.

The police in Berlin are also investigating Hildmann. The occasion is his appearance in the Lustgarten last Saturday. There, Hildmann had publicly repeated his death threats against Volker Beck without the police intervening.

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Obituary for Noël Martin’s death: “You didn’t defeat me”

The building contractor Noël Martin was seriously injured by neo-Nazis in 1996. He fought racism and understanding until the end of his life.

Noël Martin in May 2007 at his home in Birmingham Foto: Simon Roberts/eyevine/laif

Noël Martin’s first life ended on June 16, 1996. Until then, Martin, who was born in Jamaica in 1959 and came to Great Britain at the age of ten, was working for his dream: just like his grandfather in Jamaica, he wanted to own racing horses. As a building contractor, he tried to earn the necessary money wherever he found orders.

In 1996, his journey took him to a construction site in Mahlow, Brandenburg – a region and time that was later called baseball bat years. Martin became one of the many victims of racist violence.

The months of fear in Mahlow, the constant insults by a neo-Nazi clique that always gathered at the train station, were already over on that day. Together with two colleagues who also come from Jamaica, Martin wanted to continue to a new construction site. One last call from the phone booth at the train station with his wife Jacqui in Birmingham. He asks them whether they have finally won the lottery before saying goodbye to them.

When they leave the place in their car, they are followed by two young neo-Nazis. After they first try to push them off the road, someone throws a six-kilo field stone into the windscreen. Noël Martin loses control of the car, which overturns and crashes into a tree.

“I’m just a head,” Noël said of himself

Martin suffers fractures in the cervical spine and is now paralyzed from the neck down. It’s no exaggeration to say that Martin’s life ended at that moment. “Call it: my life,” Martin called his 2007 autobiography – a preceding limitation that describes what followed.

From then on, his body was of little use; he was “only head”, as he said himself. Seven nurses looked after him around the clock. In the morning he had to be lifted out of bed with a lifting crane, and he suffered from shortness of breath and cramps. In the third person he wrote in his book: “He lies in bed and smells the stench of his own flesh that rots.”

It was this unbearable condition that he could never get used to that led him ten years after the accident to decide to leave life with the help of the Swiss euthanasia organization Dignitas. A decision that he didn’t put into practice.

Exchange between Birmingham and Mahlow

Because life, his second, went on somehow. With the Jacqueline and Noël Martin Foundation, he organized the exchange between young people from Birmingham and Mahlow. Combating racism, every day, was his motto. He announced it as part of an anti-racist demonstration, to which he returned to Mahlow in 2001. Without hate. Not to the perpetrators, not to the people who were looking away at that time, even without saying bad words to the local politicians and police officers, who initially did not want to know anything about a racist motive.

Also, especially in these days, it must be remembered again: Mahlow’s mayor had publicly speculated after the fact that it was perhaps the British who had persecuted the Germans. The police at the scene of the accident checked the papers of the other two victims instead of taking care of the men in shock. The prosecutor’s office opened an investigation into dangerous interference with road traffic. Only a report in the taz and subsequent reporting led the investigators to the city-famous perpetrators.

On Tuesday, Noël Martin died at the age of 60 from internal organ failure in a hospital in Birmingham. He could fulfill his lifelong dream. As the first black horse owner, he won with Baddam at the most traditional horse race in England in Ascot.

Martin said about the Nazis, who divided his life in two: “They flattened me, that’s right, but they didn’t defeat me.”

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Attack in Halle: Stephan B. trial starts – politics

A police car is on Friday at the synagogue in Halle. It is not there because something would have just happened, it is there because something terrible happened on October 9, 2019, and because something comparable should never happen again. The right-wing extremist Stephan B. killed two people that day and he would have killed many more in the synagogue on Humboldtstrasse if he had not failed at the door. The trial of B. begins this Tuesday, and there will continue to be a police car at the synagogue around the clock. But there are very different views of what this car actually is. An illustration of strength? A symbol of weakness?

Until recently, Benjamin Leins could see the car from his window. After the attack, he hung a banner with a neighbor on the facade of his apartment building: “Humboldtstrasse against anti-Semitism + hate”. Then the local resident went to the door and did not accidentally become the prudent and differentiating explorer of his city in front of countless cameras.

Leins, 33, has since moved, but you can meet him in the garden of the Silesian Convent, from where only the slight clack of table tennis balls blows towards the street. How did the city society react to the attack, what happened? In the beginning, says church musician Leins, he looked around his city and thought: man, something is right here! In the church and at the synagogue he had seen people he had never seen there before, many from the city showed solidarity and celebrated the Sabbath together.

First, hundreds of lights of sympathy flickered, then came the stalls for the Christmas market

Leins may inevitably describe what happened afterwards, even in his own life, but in any case depressingly. The desire for everyday life soon grew again, the Hanau attack made it easier to place Halle in something larger, “as part of an all-German phenomenon”. Leins compares this development with climate change, a task that is so big for everyone, but also abstract, that makes it possible to hand over responsibility, for example to the rule of law. It frustrated him, says Leins, that many people and some of them, too, were returning so quickly to their respective normalities and “that there was little willingness to ask what this sad event had to do with our normality.” That’s how it was in many people’s heads and that’s how it was on the Halle market: at first hundreds of lights of sympathy flickered, but at some point the vans came with the stalls for the Christmas market.

Henriette Quade from the Left Party sees little else to be reported from the political arena. It was not the Christmas market stalls that came there, but an investigative committee. In February this started its work and it sometimes produces interesting things that will still be considered, as was the case recently on Thursday with the survey by Frank Michler, head of the police force on October 9, 2019. Among other things, Michler reported an exchange of fire between B. and four police officers whom they did not report.

What is different today apart from the presence of the police? “Nothing,” says the left MP

That being said, Parliamentarian Quade says, “the committee of inquiry will not analyze what should be analyzed.” This has to do with its limited investigation mandate and this contributes to the fact that structural weaknesses of the security authorities in Saxony-Anhalt, especially in dealing with right-wing extremism, have so far not been touched. These weaknesses allowed stakeholders to shift responsibility back and forth, Quade says. In this respect, too, one should not hope too much from the upcoming process, because B. from a legal point of view may be a lone perpetrator and because answers to the question of what role racist discourses and online and offline networks of the extreme right may have been missing .

So what is politically different now than it was in October? “Except for the police standing in front of the synagogue? Nothing,” says Quade. The construction sites have been known for years, “I have heard so many statements over and over again and they are not all wrong, but they do not lead to political action and that is the problem”.

Sebastian Striegel, Parliamentary Managing Director of the Greens ruling in Saxony-Anhalt with the CDU and SPD, does initially list a few points that, in his view, have been done since the attack. In addition to the police presence at the synagogue, this is the higher visibility of Jewish life as well as the strengthening of the country’s anti-Semitism officer. But Striegel also says that politically everyday life is turning up quickly and that this is a problem: “Anti-Semitism, but also racism and misogyny are still not problematized as a task of the majority society.” And the state government had “not yet recognized this group-related misanthropy as a permanent problem”.

Benjamin Leins suspects that the state politicians have not reacted to the attack in a more tangible and measurable way, because dangers from the right “neither correspond to the world view nor to the fears that one has here”. A perceived right-wing terrorist would no less quickly become a “right-wing spinner from the hinterland, in which the people from whom you would like to be re-elected sit”. Leins is concerned about this too, but he is, and it should not be left unmentioned, also hope for the trial against Stephan B. If the people of Halle at least intensely accompany him, it could be that the procedure for the city in a good sense create an identity.

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