Dhe Sarkozy era is on trial. The public prosecutor in Paris left no doubt about that and reproached former President Nicolas Sarkozy (2007-2012) in the courtroom for having forgotten “the values of the republic”. As in early March in view of the corruption allegations against Sarkozy’s Prime Minister Francois Fillon, the public prosecutor’s office on Tuesday evening demanded an exemplary sentence against the former head of state.
The prosecutor demanded that Sarkozy be sentenced to four years imprisonment, two of which were suspended, for bribery and illicit influence. It would be a first for French democracy that a president would come behind bars. Fillon was sentenced to five years in prison in June and has appealed.
“The republic does not forget what it owes its president,” said the prosecutor. “But conversely, former presidents shouldn’t forget the republic either,” he warned. The president had harmed the rule of law when he and his lawyer Thierry Herzog tried to get investigative secrets through the then Advocate General at the Court of Cassation, Gilbert Azibert. In return, Azibert should be rewarded with a post in Monaco. For Herzog and Azibert, too, the prosecutor demanded four years’ imprisonment, two of which were suspended. Sarkozy’s lawyer is also said to be banned from the profession for five years “because he violated all ethical rules of his profession”.
Herzog had opened cell phone lines under the code name Paul Bismuth in order to be able to communicate with Sarkozy undisturbed. What the two did not know: These secret lines were also bugged. The indictment was essentially based on the recordings. The planned recording of the incriminating extracts failed due to a technical problem. Therefore the passages were read out by the presiding judge. “Allo, how is my Thierry?” Begins a conversation in which Sarkozy then says, looking at Azibert and “the thing in Monaco”: “You can tell him that I am intervening, I have an appointment with him at lunchtime Minister.”
Sarkozy denied all allegations in court. “I was only doing friendship. My whole life has been doing small friendship services, ”he said indignantly. His lawyer is “a brother, a family member” for him. In 2014 he felt persecuted by the judiciary. “I have the impression that the public prosecutor’s office was established just for me. There was a new affair every week. If you forget that, you won’t understand why I was interested in my diaries. So I asked Thierry to see what happened to the calendars. I wanted to be reassured, “Sarkozy said in court.
The judiciary had confiscated the president’s diary for another criminal case involving billionaire Liliane Bettencourt. The case had been dropped, but the Court of Cassation had to decide whether the President’s diaries would be returned. Therefore, Herzog sought contact with the befriended Advocate General Azibert at the court of cassation. “I have never committed the slightest act of bribery. I want to be washed clean of this infamy, ”said Sarkozy.
The special public prosecutor’s office PNF, which specializes in financial crime, was founded at the end of 2013 under the impression of the tax evasion affair surrounding the socialist budget minister Jerome Cahuzac. Sarkozy and other leading politicians of the civil right, however, suspect an attempt to settle political accounts through legal channels. The trial is due to end this Thursday with the defense pleadings.
French ex-president Nicolas Sarkozy will jail if it is up to the public prosecutor in Paris. The 65-year-old politician is on trial in a series of lawsuits for, among other things, corruption. Justice demanded four years in prison on Tuesday, half of which was conditional.
Sarkozy, along with his lawyer Thierry Herzog, is said to have bribed a judge by promising him a job in Monaco in exchange for information about an investigation into the finances of his campaign.
The former president said in court on Monday that he has “never been guilty of any form of corruption”. He promised to go “to the limit” to clear his name.
Sarkozy was president from 2007 to 2012. It is the first time that a French head of state has to answer in person in court for corruption practices. Prosecutors said Sarkozy and his attorney wanted to bribe Judge Gilbert Azibert in exchange for information about an investigation into payments Sarkozy received during his 2007 presidential campaign.
That money would come from the late heiress Liliane Bettencourt of the L’Oréal empire. In that affair, Sarkozy has been acquitted, but a series of other cases are ongoing.
Four episodes to try to unravel the mystery of room 2806. Netflix is dedicating a documentary mini-series to the Sofitel case which precipitated the fall of Dominique Strauss-Kahn, accused of rape.
In Room 2806: The DSK Affair, posted on Monday, December 7 on the platform, several relatives of the former head of the IMF, testify as Elisabeth Guigou(former Keeper of the Seals in the Jospin government from 1997 to 2000, editor’s note) and Jack Lang(former Minister of National Education in the Jospin government from 2000 to 2002, editor’s note). The director of this documentary Jalil Lespert also gives the floor to Nafissatou Diallo and Tristane Banon.
The former socialist minister has already set up his counter-offensive by announcing his participation in a documentary where he will deliver his “version of the facts”. The rape charges against Dominique Strauss-Kahn were dropped in criminal proceedings in August 2011. But the case continued in civil proceedings until December 2012 and ended with a financial agreement.
An opponent for the 2012 presidential election
The documentary produced by Netflix retraces all the legal aspects of this case, but also evokes the Sarkozy track. Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Nicolas Sarkozy have known each other for several years and have clashed multiple times during televised debates. One socialist is considered a serious candidate for the Élysée for the 2012 presidential election, the other from the UMP seeks to stand for a second term.
In Room 2806: The DSK Affair, Alain Hamon, journalist specializing in police and justice, believes that “at the time, Dominique Strauss-Kahn was followed by the Central Directorate of Internal Intelligence (DGSI). This is the French FBI wanted by Nicolas Sarkozy (…) We understood that DSK would be a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, so it is potentially an opponent for some. It turns out that the ‘certain’ is Nicolas Sarkozy. He has all the tools to be able to control what his main opponent is doing. Nicolas Sarkozy wanted to know everything about all the files. The most sensitive information necessarily went back to him“.
A “fairly lively exchange” between Sarkozy and DSK?
The director of Room 2806: The DSK Affair Jalil Lespert also has friends of the former head of the IMF testify, including Laurent Azoulai, former treasurer of the Socialist Party. The latter says that “during an international conference, there is a fairly lively exchange between Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Nicolas Sarkozy. Dominique Strauss-Kahn said live to Sarkozy: ‘I know your guys tryna make a case against me. It is better for you that you stop, because otherwise it will go far ‘”.
And to add: “Dominique brings us together a week before the Sofitel affair and tells us: ‘I know that I am being listened to, that my emails are read, that my phone is being listened to. I know that they are trying to burn me out ‘. He firmly believes that in Nicolas Sarkozy’s entourage, some are setting up cases against him and that one day or the next it might reappear “.
An unfounded theory according to Raphaëlle Bacqué
In the documentary, Raphaëlle Bacqué, major reporter at World, does not believe in a plot led by Nicolas Sarkozy. “They know each other well. Nicolas Sarkozy has no illusions about what Dominique Strauss-Kahn is. He also knows his hidden life“, she explains.
Author of the book The Strauss-Kahns released in 2012 with Ariane Chemin, this great reporter at World explains that “Nicolas Sarkozy knows that in 2006, the police stopped two cars in the Bois de Boulogne (…) The police recognized Dominique Strauss-Kahn. Nicolas Sarkozy knows it. For him, it is obvious Dominique Strauss-Kahn will never be able to go to the end, precisely because of his affairs with women “.
During an interview on Franceinter in 2012, Raphaëlle Bacqué explains that Nicolas Sarkozy “knows that whenever a woman is at stake, Dominique Strauss-Kahn can forget everything. As Minister of the Interior, he has information precise on the behavior of Dominique Strauss-Kahn (…) To tell the truth, he will protect him. While he appoints him to the IMF, he asks that these notes not be made public and that these revelations are not made . He will cover it for a very long time, but with the certainty that Dominique Strauss-Kahn will not be a rival for the presidential election“
No other EU country has relocated industrial jobs abroad on such a large scale as France.
Paris Thick black smoke from burning car tires and hundreds of unionists in red vests greet Emmanuel Macron. Shortly before the second presidential election, he rushed to Amiens to hold discussions with workers at a Whirlpool plant. 650 livelihoods are at stake because the group no longer wants to have clothes dryers manufactured in France, but in Poland. After heated arguments, the candidate finds it difficult to get his message across: “I don’t promise you that I can save your jobs, but I will fight to ensure that your children get a better education.”
Eleven days later, Emmanuel Macron was elected president. The vocational training reform is one of the most important changes it has achieved. That didn’t help the Whirlpool employees: 86 people are still working there after two takeovers. The prefecture announced a few days ago that there is a risk of permanent closure.
The Amiens plant would be another stop in a long ordeal for industries that have gone bankrupt or turned their backs on France over the past 40 years. But without strong industry – as the corona crisis shows in particular – a country is not resilient. They are less able to defend their health systems and often simply lack the resources to fight against external and internal shocks.
“France is among the major industrialized countries that has suffered the greatest deindustrialization in the past few decades,” France Stratégie, the prime minister’s think tank, states in an analysis of several hundred pages. Since 1980 the industrial sectors have lost half of their employees and 2.2 million jobs have been lost.
In 2018 and 2019 industrial employment rose again for the first time. “But the Covid crisis fundamentally calls this trend into question,” said the economists of the report. The share of industry in gross value added in France is 13.5 percent. In Germany it is 24.3 percent, the EU average almost 20 percent.
France has become the “European champion in delocalization” over the years, is the second important finding of France Stratégie. No other EU country has shifted industrial jobs abroad on such a large scale in order to react to disadvantageous cost structures. While Germany exported goods, France exported entire branches of industry.
A shrinking industry has negative economic, social and political consequences. In industry, productivity is growing faster on average than in other sectors. In France, industry accounts for more than two thirds of private spending on research and development. As their weight decreases, their growth and thus their ability to generate income decrease.
A chronic trade deficit is building up. The transferred income from investments abroad only compensates for this to a limited extent. And they encourage an uneven distribution of income, because they primarily benefit the wealthy. Ultimately, entire formerly flourishing regions are deserted, whose population feels disadvantaged and votes right-wing populists in protest.
Germany exports goods, France industries
Nicolas Sarkozy, and after him François Hollande, recognized the problem. “I want to secure industrial employment in the long term,” said Sarkozy in 2010. The conservative president issued a “large national bond”, of which 6.5 billion euros should benefit industry. For many French, however, deindustrialization remained a statistical phenomenon or even an expression of modernity for a long time: the country was changing into a service economy faster than Germany, it was said.
But then Corona came. With the pandemic, the carelessness is gone. Since the spring, the French have been disturbed by the fact that one of the largest economies in the world cannot produce enough ventilators, that the most important drugs have to be imported from China and that there is not even the ability to produce sufficient quantities of the reagents for corona tests.
Macron reacted immediately: “The re-localization of production is the most important lever to secure our sovereignty,” he said in June when visiting a factory of the pharmaceutical company Sanofi. France must be able to produce strategic goods domestically or in Europe again. He promised 15 billion euros in order to achieve the return of the outsourced jobs and skills.
Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire and State Secretary Agnès Pannier-Runacher have now honored 31 companies that they consider to be exemplary. 680 million euros in investments would be mobilized, 150 million euros of which from the state. 4000 jobs would be secured, “1800 new ones should be created”, says Pannier-Runacher. How many of them return from abroad, their spokesman did not want to say when asked.
France Industrie emphasizes two crucial weaknesses: Because of high costs, the competitiveness of the industry has been destroyed for decades. Not through excessive wage increases, but through a toxic cocktail of high, income-independent taxes and very high social security contributions.
Only medium quality level
The second weakness: Instead of switching to products that are of higher quality and contain more technology, the industry has remained on average at a medium quality level and has sought salvation in the relocation of jobs to low-wage countries. Patrick Artus, chief economist at the Natixis investment bank, likes to sum this up in the following sentence: “France produces goods at Spanish technology level, but at German prices.”
Will France remain in search of lost industry? Hollande introduced tax incentives for research and the reduction of labor costs. Macron has made other important corrections, as the upward trend in industrial employment in 2018 and 2019 shows. One can only hope that he will catch up with them after the Covid crisis.
More: Read here what the new corona restrictions mean for the economy in Germany
The former American president paints, in his Memoirs, acid portraits, sometimes scathing, of his former counterparts. That of Nicolas Sarkozy is bordering on decorum. Behind the elegant and charismatic man there is a ringworm.
About Charles Jaigu
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Barack Obama publishes A promised land in the United States at the same time as in the rest of the world. Seven hundred pages that lead him from his decision to be a candidate at the end of his first term. Among the anecdotes, analyzes and portraits of his contemporaries, we come across that of Nicolas Sarkozy. The former French president is badly manhandled in a passage that leaves an unpleasant impression. “With his dark skin, his expressive features, vaguely Mediterranean (his father was Hungarian, his maternal grandfather Greek Jewish), and short (he was about six feet tall, but wore heels to grow taller) , it looked like a character out of a painting by Toulouse-Lautrec.»
Obama, emblem if there is one of the anti-racist struggle, and therefore of any physical stigmatization of his contemporaries, thus strives to characterize with contempt one of his counterparts. And it continues: “The discussions with Sarkozy were thus by turns amusing and exasperating, his hands moving
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CHRONICLE – Those who do not want to see in Joe Biden that a nice centrist must expect disappointments.
By Ivan Rioufol
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The globalist elites are thus: full of arrogance, condescension, contentment. To read what Barack Obama writes about Nicolas Sarkozy is staggeringly vulgar: “Sarkozy was all in emotional outbursts and hyperbolic words. With his dark skin, his expressive, vaguely Mediterranean features (his father was Hungarian, his maternal grandfather Greek) – the American version says: “Half Hungarian, a quarter Jewish” -, and small in size (he measured about 1.66 meters but wore heels to grow taller), he looked like a character from a Toulouse-Lautrec painting (…)» A little later in his book, Obama notes “His chest bulging like that of a dwarf rooster (…)” ; and so on. Written by Donald Trump, the villainy would have outraged the Melliflue left. She did not falter at the insanities of the elegant patrician, mixed and cosmopolitan. This anecdote sums up the caste. Beneath the amiable smile, the horrible grimace.
Read also :Barack Obama: “Trump has caused a lot of damage in the United States and in the world”
The origin, the color of the skin, the physique are the obsessions
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AGI – It is not a peaceful time for Nicolas sarkozy. On the day the former French president goes to trial for corruption, his mood must have been made even more bleak by the sometimes dismissive judgments than the former US president, Barack Obama, he reserved for him in his long-awaited autobiography “A promised land”, released last November 17. That Obama had a poisoned tooth against Sarko ‘is no mystery to anyone. It is above all to him that he blames the involvement in what in the interview-river granted to ‘The Atlantic’ in 2016 he considered the biggest mistake of his presidency: military intervention in Libya, the beginning of nine years of instability from which the former Italian colony is struggling to recover only now.
The intervention “did not work in light of the” collapse of the social order “, Obama noted in that interview in which he traced the budget of eight years in the White House, “we have avoided large-scale civilian massacres, we have avoided a prolonged and bloody civil war and, despite this, Libya is still a mess.” Obama uses an already colloquial term, “mess”, but privately he adopted an even more crude one: “Shit show”.
The weight of the comparison with Merkel
As motivated as it is, it strikes verbal bitterness with which Obama remembers the former tenant of the Elysée. The first African American president, whose measured style has been regretted in recent years by those who criticize the over the top of his successor Donald Trump, paints a Sarkozy “all emotional utterances and rhetorical exaggerations”. “Dark-haired, with expressive and vaguely Mediterranean features (he was half Hungarian and a quarter of a Greek Jew), short in stature (he was about five feet tall, but wore shoes with a rise), he looked like a character from a painting by Toulouse-Lautrec “, writes Obama. A portrait that contrasts with that, overflowing with admiration, of the German chancellor Angela Merkel, praised for “organizational skills, strategic acumen and unwavering patience”.
Sarkozy, continues the former US president, “did not have the same coherence as his German counterpart and was often guided by the headlines or by political opportunity. Not even the time to get to London for the G20 and he already denounced the excesses in words of global capitalism “. “What he lacked in ideological coherence, however, he made up for in his courage, charm and manic energy“, says Obama,” in fact, talking to Sarkozy was sometimes funny and sometimes maddening, with his hands always moving, his chest out like a fighting cock, the personal translator (unlike Merkel’s, the his English was limited) always alongside to imitate his every gesture or intonation, while the conversation went from flattery to swagger to brilliant insight, all without ever straying too far from what was his primary interest – and only barely masked -, that is, always being at the center of the action and taking credit for whatever was worth your name. “
Stadium cheer for Geithner
“It was not difficult to determine which of the two European leaders would prove to be more reliable as a partner,” observes Obama, who then offers a somewhat embarrassed and amused memory of the “surge of enthusiasm” with which the former French president welcomed the conclusion of the 2009 G20 on a global response to the financial crisis, a summit in which the former Treasury Secretary, Tim Geithner, played a key role in convincing Europeans of the need for a more flexible approach: “It’s a historic agreement, Barack!” he exclaimed. “And we achieved it thanks to you … no, no, and the truth! And Mr. Geithner, here … It’s fantastic!”.
“So he started singing my Treasury Secretary’s surname like a fan at a football game, loud enough to make more than one head spin in the room,” Obama says, “I couldn’t hold back a laugh, not just in front of the obvious discomfort of Tim, but also for the distraught expression on Angela Merkel’s face: she had just finished examining the wording of the communiqué, and now she was observing the French colleague with the look that a mother would turn to her undisciplined son. “Sarkozy’s exuberance during international summits was at the time, moreover , one of the main topics of the pieces of color on the summits, with the reporter on duty always ending up by alluding more or less explicitly to the possibility that the transalpine executive chief had raised his elbow.
No bank against Berlin
What makes Obama’s judgment unflattering, therefore, is above all the poor consistency which he reproaches Sarkozy, in whom he had hoped to find an ally in his fight against the German doctrine of austerity in the aftermath of the explosion of the financial crisis. Because Angela Merkel, who last Sunday celebrated 15 years in power, has many advantages but on that occasion she found herself on the wrong side of history. The United States quickly and well came out of a frightening economic meltdown thanks to the joint action of the White House, which was already underneath George W. Bush had begun massive purchases of non-performing loans with the ‘Tarp’ plan, and the Federal Reserve, which had brought interest rates to zero and initiated a colossal injection of liquidity into the system. Meanwhile, Europe found itself with a central bank that was not the central bank (i.e. the lender of last resort) and, on the contrary, even increased the cost of money, before Mario Draghi arrived to remedy, with fatal delay, the mistakes of his predecessor Jean-Claude Trichet.
“Not even Sarkozy was very useful to me to counterbalance Merkel’s position. Although privately, given the high unemployment rate in France, he was in favor of my idea of economic stimulus (” No problem, Barack … I’ll think of Angela I “), he could not break free from the conservative positions he had taken in the past and, at least so it seemed to me, was he organized enough to draw up a clear plan for his country, let alone for all of Europe”, writes Obama about the hectic days in which the Greek debt bomb and most European nations continued to propose a punitive approach instead of considering the problem in its community dimension.
The tragic Libyan adventure
Even more tragic is the incoherence shown by Sarkozy in 2011, at the time of the Arab Spring, when he first defended “the Ben Ali regime in Tunisia to the bitter end” and then, Obama writes again, “he said to the sudden his personal crusade for the salvation of the Libyan people “. When Sarkozy is the former British premier, David cameron, presented to the UN a proposal for a no fly zone over Libya to stop the offensive by Gaddafi against the rebels, the US president affirms that from the beginning he shared the perplexities of his military advisers, convinced that “despite the rhetoric of Sarkozy and Cameron, in the end the American armed forces would have had to bear almost the full weight of every operation in Libya”. In the aforementioned interview with ‘The Atlantic’ he was even more clear-cut, addressing them as “free riders”.
“I was irritated that Sarkozy and Cameron had cornered me, in part to solve their internal political problems, and I was outraged by the hypocrisy of the Arab League,” Obama writes. The former US president tells how the two leaders “barely masked the relief at the hand I was offering them to get out of the mess they had gotten into” once Washington’s delay broke and remembers with bitter sarcasm how “Sarkozy had ensured that the first aircraft to cross Libyan airspace was French “. A similar script would repeat itself in April 2018, when Emmanuel Macron and Theresa May, both struggling with a difficult internal situation, pressured Donald Trump to take the lead in Syria, after President Bashar al-Assad was accused of a new chemical attack. But that time Paris and London had to be content with a surgical bombing in which no one died.
The spoiler right away: Sensations, even revelations, do not contain Barack Obama’s memories of his presidency. Except for confessions like the fact that he liked to stuff chewing gum paper into the cracks of the upholstered suite in the Oval Office. Or that when the Secret Service agents around him whispered “Renegade on the way to secondary hold” into the mini microphones on their wrists, it was simply the code for him to go to the bathroom.
Anyone who expected more on the first 1000 pages of Obama’s memoir (a second volume is to follow) must be disappointed. On the other hand: Anyone who hoped otherwise would have had to rely on a miraculous personality change in a man who was always in control. However, four years after leaving the White House, Obama is surprisingly frank in one respect – when it comes to his encounters with global leaders.
The German Chancellor in particular is doing well. Whereby that’s almost an understatement. “The better I got to know Angela Merkel, the more sympathetic she became,” writes Obama, starting with words of praise that he does not otherwise find for any of his foreign interlocutors: “I found her reliable, honest, intellectually precise and on a natural kind kind. ” He likes “her stoic manner” and “her sober, analytical awareness” suits his approach to political problems.
He briefly touches on her initially reserved attitude towards him, which Obama obviously has not escaped. “I didn’t hold it against her,” he states with a slightly patronizing undertone, referring to his appearance in the summer of 2008 in front of 200,000 cheering people at the Berlin Victory Column. “I thought to myself that an aversion to possible demagoguery was probably a healthy attitude for a German head of government.” A professorial Obama-like explanation.
But he obviously watched her very closely. The Chancellor is known to be unable to completely ban her feelings and thoughts from her facial expressions. Obama did not miss that. “Merkel’s eyes were large and bright blue, and they could alternately accept expressions of frustration, amusement and hints of concern,” he writes. Elsewhere, when he unsuccessfully urged the Chancellor to give Greece major debt relief during the euro crisis, he noted her disapproving reaction: “Yes, Barack, I think that may not be the best approach for us,” she used to say and frowned a little as if I’d suggested something slightly tasteless. “
Other statesmen of those years are more likely to be touched in passing – and are nowhere near as good off. David Cameron, the British Prime Minister at the time, is portrayed as not unsympathetic (“I liked him”), but as a man without depth, “who had never really come into contact with the hardships of life”. His jovial shirt sleeves appear to be simply put on the American president, who himself is not too attached to etiquette: “At every international summit, the first thing he did is take off his jacket and loosen his tie.”
Or Nicolas Sarkozy, who always appeared rubbish: “Quite the epitome of emotional outbursts and exaggerated rhetoric.” France’s then president always wanted to be in the spotlight “barely concealed” in order to “reap the laurels for everything that was worth reaping laurels for”.
Obama deals more closely with Vladimir Putin – and does not hide his deep dislike for the current Russian President, who was prime minister at the time but was always the puller in Moscow. When they first meet in Moscow, he visits him at his country estate, a man with the “stature of a wrestler” and “bright, watchful eyes”. After a two-hour conversation, Obama is certain that Putin is inspired by the feeling that history has treated Russia unfairly and that he wants to correct it – by any means. Putin, he tells an adviser, reminds him of the legendary corrupt party bosses in the USA around 1900: “Tough, cunning and cold-blooded types who see patronage, bribery, extortion, fraud and occasional violence as legitimate methods.”
Obama is also not holding back judgments about American politicians, two of which are likely to be particularly interesting: his relationship with his then Vice-President Joe Biden and his assessment of the current US President Donald Trump. Unsurprisingly, he makes no secret of his aversion to the latter.
Obama didn’t meet him personally until he invited Trump to the White House as his elected successor in November 2016. Years ago, however, he had not had a good opinion of him, and he confessed to having made a mistake, like many of his democratic party friends: “In any case, I found it difficult to take him too seriously.” And then he reproduces how other economic bosses in New York, where Trump comes from, described the man at the time: “Insubstantial” and “dubious”.
But shortly after Obama’s election, Trump launched a campaign that he clearly underestimated, but which revealed how deeply divided US society was even then. It was about the so-called Birther controversy – the claim that Obama was not really born in the United States so that no Americans would be allowed to be president at all. It resulted in Obama actually having to present his birth certificate from the Honolulu registry office to end the debate. Which didn’t stop Trump from repeating the false claims later.
Obama’s analysis is likely to cause a sensation in the US because he openly branded Trump’s campaign as what it always was: a racist conspiracy theory: “It was as if my presence in the White House had awakened a deeply rooted fear, as if my opponents believed the natural order of things dissolves. “
The man, however, whom Obama regards with the kindest words – at least as far as the members of his government team are concerned – is his former Vice Biden. Obama finished the manuscript in the summer, so he could only hope, but not know, that Biden would be his successor.
Characteristic of their relationship, at least in the early days of his presidency, was an episode in the fall of 2009 when the chiefs of the US armed forces urged Obama in the Situation Room for a significant increase in troops in Afghanistan. Then Biden matches the much younger president on the way to the Oval Office: “Listen to me, boss, he said, maybe I’ve been in this city too long, but I can tell when these generals try to find a new president to put on a leash. “
Obama describes his vice as a “person with a heart”, whom he selected not least because of his foreign policy experience and excellent connections in Congress: “What was decisive, however, was what my gut feeling told me – that Joe was decent, honest and loyal.”
This is an unprecedented event: for the first time in French judicial history, a former president is charged by “Association of criminals & rdquor;. The accused is none other than Nicolas sarzozy, also accused of “passive corruption & rdquor ;,” receipt of embezzled public funds & rdquor; and “Irregular Electoral Campaign Financing & rdquor ;. The judicial investigation focuses on the alleged receipt of funds from the then Libyan regime of Muammar Gaddafi to finance his 2007 campaign, the same one that opened the doors of the Elysee Palace.
The decision, decreed by the investigating magistrates of the National Financial Prosecutor’s Office (PNF) Aude Buresi and Marc Sommerer, after four days of interrogations, is a real hit for the former president. The judges believe that there is sufficient evidence to charge Sarkozy for “Association of criminals & rdquor;, that is, for being part of “a group or an agreement established with a view to preparing […] of one or more crimes or of one or more crimes punishable by at least five years’ imprisonment & rdquor ;, as established by the French Penal Code.
In the framework of the same investigation, the French justice has also charged two of its former ministers, Claude Guéant and Éric Woerth [actual presidente del Comité de Finanzas de la Asamblea Nacional], essential pieces of the 2007 presidential campaign: the first served as campaign manager and the second as his treasurer.
“Injustice will not win”
This Friday, October 16, after his new accusation was made public, Nicolas Sarkozy denounced through a statement “the long list of injustices committed throughout the so-called ‘affair’ of ‘Libyan financing’ of his 2007 election campaign & rdquor ;. “The French need to know that I am innocent. Injustice will not win & rdquor ;, the former president defended himself.
“Amazed & rdquor; by the court decision, Sarkozy assured that his “Innocence has been mocked again & rdquor;: “I learned of this new accusation with real amazement […] The decision [judicial] does not provide the slightest proof of an illicit financing & rdquor ;, settled through a message posted on Facebook.
The French justice began to investigate the alleged illicit financing in 2012, after the publication of a document by the investigative newspaper ‘Mediapart’, a presumed proof of Libyan contribution to Sarkozy’s victorious campaign. Since then, in seven years of investigations, investigating magistrates have gathered multiple clues – testimonies from Libyan dignitaries, notes from the secret services of Tripoli, accusations of an intermediary and movements of funds – that support the thesis of the economic support of the late Gaddafi to the campaign of the former president.
Multiple open causes
Sarkozy has repeatedly denounced a “plot & rdquor; Against his person, however, this case is not the only one that overshadows the figure of the former French president. On November 23, he will be tried for an accusation of corruption in the so-called case of the “wiretapping & rdquor; -It is suspected that together with his lawyer Thierry Herzog, he tried to obtain information through a magistrate about another investigation that was investigating whether Liliane Bettencourt, heir to the L’Oréal cosmetic empire, illegally financed his 2012 campaign.
So that, his 2012 campaign is not without controversy either: On March 17, 2021, the trial will begin to establish whether Sarkozy financed the campaign in an irregular way, a race towards the Elysee that he lost to the socialist François Hollande.
In the coming months, the former president’s agenda will be marked by multiple and varied judicial appointments, alleging a simple “plot & rdquor; will not rid you of sit in the dock.
Oscar winner for The Artist interpreter, in the film of Anne Fontaine, the former president forced to team up with his enemy of 2012, François Hollande.
«More than a biopic, a fable“. The shooting of Presidents, Anne Fontaine’s next film with Jean Dujardin and Nicolas Gadebois has just started. On his Instagram account, the interpreter of the next OSS 117 published in the night a photo of the first scenes of the feature film, in which he plays Nicolas, a character very largely inspired by the former head of state of the same name.
Ray-Ban screwed on the nose or open shirt with shiny chain, Jean Dujardin plays a former president on the return, eager to reconquer France, reports Allocine . To carry out his plan, he tries to convince his former political opponent François – played by a Nicolas Gadebois, bluffing in François Hollande – who lives a quiet retirement in Corrèze. “It’s about the comedy of power and the difficulty of no longer being in charge. It is the meeting of two political opponents who will live a kind of adventure», Explained Anne Fontaine to The New Republic . Doria Tillier, Pascale Arbillot and Jean-Michel Lahmi complete the cast of the film, whose release date is still unknown.
In 2011, Denis Podalydès had already played Nicolas Sarkozy in The conquest by Xavier Durringer, who reviewed the rise of the political animal to the head of state. TV movie The Last Campaign meanwhile dealt with the Hollande-Sarkozy duel in 2012, with Thierry Frémont and Patrick Braoudé in the title roles. Presidents would it arise as the final part of a saga that does not speak its name, dedicated to the sixth leader of the Vth Republic ?