Convicted arms supplier to the NSU: First prison sentence served

Carsten S. was convicted of supplying arms to the NSU trio and was the only one to fully unpack. Now he has served his sentence.

He was the only one to fully unpack in the NSU trial: Carsten S., now in freedom Photo: Andreas Gebert, dpa

BERLIN / MUNICH taz | He was the only one who gave full testimony in the NSU trial who credibly regretted his actions. And the only one who accepted the judgment of July 11, 2018 and began his prison sentence: Carsten S., sentenced to three years of youth imprisonment, as a weapons supplier for the terror trio. Now he is also the first to have served his sentence and to be free again.

In the spring of 2019 Carsten S. started his imprisonment. A spokesman for the Munich Higher Regional Court of the taz confirmed that he was released on June 12 this year. He has served half of his sentence, the rest has been suspended. This is possible for juvenile prisoners. Carsten S.’s lawyer, Johannes Pausch, also confirmed the release. “He regrets what he did to this day, she will never let go of him. But he is also confident that he can start a new life now. “

Where Carsten S. was in custody remains a secret to this day, as the 40-year-old is in a witness protection program because of his statements. Even his lawyers do not know, according to their own information. Just as little where S. now lives – under a new name. He is currently reorganizing his everyday life and looking for a job, said Pausch.

Carsten S. belonged to the right-wing extremist scene in Jena in the 1990s, as did the later NSU terrorists Uwe Mundlos, Uwe Böhnhardt and Beate Zschäpe. When they went into hiding, supporters used him to keep phone contact. In 2000, the then 19-year-old brought the trio their later murder weapon, the Ceska pistol, including a silencer and ammunition. Böhnhardt and Mundlos shot nine people with a migration background with this. The first victim was Enver Şimşek in Nuremberg, exactly 20 years ago.

Carsten S. broke with the right-wing extremist scene shortly after the weapons were handed in and after a preventive detention in another matter. He moved to Düsseldorf, came out as gay and worked for the AIDS service. When the NSU was exposed in 2011 – Böhnhardt and Mundlos had shot each other after a failed bank robbery, Zschäpe had blown up the shelter in Zwickau – the past caught up with S.: He was arrested and was initially imprisoned for four months.

The bereaved forgave him

In contrast to Zschäpe and the three other co-accused helpers, S. testified in the process full of tears, burdened himself and the former NPD functionary Ralf Wohlleben heavily. He apologized to the victims of the NSU. Some accepted this, and asked the court for leniency for Carsten S. There was even a meeting of the bereaved with him.

Carsten S.’s defense lawyers had demanded an acquittal in the process: Your client never thought the murders were possible. The court saw it differently and sentenced him to an accessory to murder. Because S. was an adolescent at the time of the crime, he was sentenced to a youth prison term. Unlike Zschäpe, who was sentenced to life imprisonment, and the other co-defendants, he did not appeal.

In April there was a hearing for Carsten S. before the Munich Higher Regional Court, under the direction of Judge Manfred Götzl, who also spoke the NSU judgment. The convicted person was then certified as having a favorable social prognosis and was granted parole.

The Federal Court of Justice is now dealing with the revisions by Zschäpe and the co-defendants Wohlleben, Eminger and Holger G. In the case of Eminger, the federal prosecutor’s office also appealed. A decision on this is not expected until next year. Zschäpe has been in custody for nine years. The other co-defendants, who received sentences of up to ten years, are still at large for the time being.


20 years after the first NSU murder: Damaged memorial plaques

The NSU series of murders began 20 years ago in Nuremberg. Enver Şimşek was the first victim. Two more murders followed in the city.

The florist Enver Şimşek was murdered by the NSU on September 9, 2000 on this street Photo: Mark Mühlhaus / Attention / Agentur Focus

The cars roar past on Liegnitzer Strasse in Langwasser, on the southeastern edge of Nuremberg. Colorful gerberas are available for purchase under a red and yellow parasol. Ali Toy, 66 years old, is waiting for customers in his station wagon and reads the Koran in Arabic.

On September 9, 2000, the series of murders and terrorism of the so-called National Socialist Underground (NSU) began here in the Şimşek van. At that time, the flower wholesaler of Turkish origin Enver Şimşek was shot several times. Nine more murders of people with a migration history and of a policewoman from Thuringia as well as two bomb attacks in Cologne followed. In 1999 a bomb exploded in a pub in the southern part of Nuremberg, which was probably also laid by the NSU.

Ali Toy, the former employee of Enver Şimşek, lives in the Gleißhammer district, close to the snack bar of İsmail Yaşar, the father of two and the sixth victim of the NSU. Yaşar was killed on June 9, 2005 by the NSU murderers with five shots in the head and upper body. “İsmail Yaşar was a neighbor, I live a little further away,” says Ali Toy and you can tell that of the 47 years he has lived in Germany, he has spent several years in Franconia.

“When I went to the tram, I would greet him, he was always very friendly and we talked a little. He was also innocent. “” Innocent, Toy repeats this word several times in our conversation. When asked whether he feels comfortable in Germany, he says “Yes, of course. Germany is my second home. “

Enver Simsek war als Vertretung too

Toy only works at the flower stand on Saturdays and Sundays when the weather is nice. He receives a commission on the flowers sold. He takes a winter break from November to February. Actually he would have been standing on September 9, where Enver Şimşek was hit by eight bullets. “I asked Enver Şimşek if he could take my place,” said Ali Toy, “because I wanted to go on vacation. I was in Turkey, like every autumn. And so he sold the flowers himself, which I usually get from him. “

Two days later, the father of two, Enver Şimşek, died of serious injuries in the South Hospital in Langwasser. “I found out from my neighbors, who gave me a newspaper clipping and said: ‘Your boss was killed.’ There I was … “, Toy’s voice faltered,” shocked. Enver Şimşek was a good man. “

Toy told the police that he suspected that Enver Şimşek had been killed by a German terrorist group. The investigators ruled out a right-wing extremist background. Only the then Interior Minister Günther Beckstein (CSU), who also lives in Langwasser, pointed out this possibility in a note.

He did not, however, press for this lead to be pursued further. The contact with the German police has always been very good, emphasizes Toy. For the Şimşek family, on the other hand, there were difficult days: the officials showed them the photo of a supposed lover, accused their murdered father of drug trafficking, investigated in the direction of extortion, the special commissions had names with racist connotations such as “Crescent” and “Bosporus”.

Officials suspected relatives

“Without evidence, the murder victims were accused of being involved in a serious criminal environment,” says right-wing extremism expert Birgit Mair and describes an example from Nuremberg: “A witness was shown a film that was made shortly before the attack on Cologne’s Keupstrasse. The woman from Nuremberg then recognized one of the men she had seen shortly before the murder of İsmail Yaşar near the Nuremberg crime scene on Scharrerstrasse. Although the witness said that the men were light-skinned, the investigating officers subsequently only presented her with photos of dark-skinned suspects. “

Mair shares the view of co-prosecutor Seda Başay-Yıldız and Carsten Ilius, who represented victims’ relatives at the NSU trial, that “institutional racism” was a central reason why the series of murders was not stopped. So for the bereaved, shame was added to pain. “For eleven years we weren’t even allowed to be victims with a clear conscience,” said the 34-year-old daughter Semiya Şimşek-Demirtas in 2012 at a memorial event in Berlin.

After Ali Toys boss was murdered, the police regularly patrolled the flower stand to offer him protection, he says. Until the core trio of the NSU was exposed: for ten years. His fear has not disappeared to this day because it is not over yet and there are still many people in the background. When Beate Zschäpe, whom he only calls “this one woman”, was arrested, he was happy. And yet many questions remain. He thinks it is funny that NSU files are kept under lock and key for 30 years. Because the protection of the constitution wants to protect its sources.

“After all, some NSU investigative committees clearly revealed that the neo-Nazi scene was systematically played down by both the investigative authorities and the Office for the Protection of the Constitution,” says Birgit Mair. “Dozens of neo-Nazi informers from the Office for the Protection of the Constitution cavorted around the NSU, police work was hampered by the domestic secret service, which in the case of the NSU crimes was more part of the problem than the solution.”

Memorial plaques damaged at all crime scenes

And she goes even further: “Instead of helping to solve the crimes, various authorities have been and are being shredded and bricked up. Particularly bitter: The constitutional protection authorities continue to work with neo-Nazis and other extreme right-wingers in the form of the informal system. “

In spring 2014 the anti-fascist initiative “Breaking the Silence” was founded with the aim of commemorating the people who were murdered by the right-wing terrorists of the NSU in Nuremberg: Enver Şimşek, Abdurrahim Özüdoğru and İsmail Yaşar. For several years she has also been addressing the NSU’s first bomb attack on the “Sonnenschein” pub, in which the young pub owner Mehmet O. was seriously injured on June 23, 1999 in the southern part of Nuremberg.

“We put up the first memorial plaques in June 2014 as part of a commemorative week,” says Marek Berger from the initiative. “The memorial plaques at all Nuremberg crime scenes were damaged. We had to renew the memorial plaque for Enver Şimşek on Liegnitzer Strasse twice. “

The term “foreigner” for a person who had lived in Germany for 15 years was irritating

Mair points out the uncertainty surrounding the commemoration: “It is commendable that a small stele was erected by local parishes in memory of Enver Şimşek in Liegnitzer Strasse. But this caused a lot of irritation among visitors. The religiously inspired text says, among other things: ‘If a stranger lives with you in your country, you shouldn’t oppress him.’ ”The term“ stranger ”for a person who has lived in Germany for 15 years was particularly irritating.

“The Nazis applauded”

The judgments already passed in the NSU trial are not only appalling to Ali Toy. On the occasion of the written reasons for the verdict in April, 19 lawyers for the accessory prosecution declared the verdict to be a “memorial to the failure of the rule of law that criminalized the relatives of the NSU murder victims for years and has now finally left them in the lurch”. Elif Kubaşık, the widow of Mehmet Kubaşık who was murdered in Dortmund, had already spoken of another slap in the face at the end of the trial.

Nils Hüttinger, street worker in the district where Şimşek was murdered, sees it the same way. “There is nothing worse in victim counseling than: ‘I’m not just passed out, I’m misunderstood.’ Over and over again this setting of hope in something: There are places that listen to me, there is a public that listens to me, maybe justice will be spoken there. And then again no justice is given. “

“What many do not know is that the flower seller and former employee of Mr. Şimşek planted a tree in memory of the murdered man near the former crime scene every year,” said Mair. Ali Toy was born just over 100 kilometers from Şimşek’s birthplace Salur in Turkey. Where there are many flowers. He knows Şimşek’s children from the memorial services. Enver Şimşek’s wife lives again in Turkey, where he was born, says Ali Toy. She no longer wants to be in Germany, where she lost her husband.

Last Saturday, the “Alliance for the Nazi Stop” called for a demonstration at the crime scene in Langwasser under the motto “And we are still calling for clarification”. More than 300 people took part in the commemoration. Abdulkerim Şimşek, the son of Enver Şimşek, said at the rally: “To this day we do not know why our father was killed. It wasn’t a coincidence. And the trial was also a big disappointment. Except for Beate Zschäpe, all of the accused are free. The Nazis applauded when the verdict was pronounced. “


Trial of alleged Nazi terrorists: “Slightly right attitude”

In 2015 right-wing extremists terrorized refugees and leftists in Freital. Now defendants are again on trial for this.

The swamp in which the group found itself: right-wing protest in Freital 2015 Photo: Oliver Killig / dpa

DRESDEN taz | On Monday morning, Freital’s recent past opens up again. Then when Sebastian S., Ferenc A., Stephanie T. and the former NPD city councilor Dirk Abraham enter the hall of the Dresden Higher Regional Court. Four right-wing extremists, 27 to 52 years old, charged with participating in a terror series in their hometown five years ago.

The events seem a long time ago. Today Freital is discussing again about missing daycare places, about a corona case at the grammar school, about the approaching 100th city birthday. But in the summer of 2015 there was another everyday life. At that time, refugees came to the city. In Freital it was reacted with hatred. Citizens and right-wing extremists protested in front of an asylum shelter, a vigilante group emerged, and finally a series of attacks on accommodation and left-wing politicians that lasted for months.

The series of violence caused a sensation nationwide, in the end the federal prosecutor’s office investigated. As early as 2018, eight local right-wing extremists were sentenced to long prison terms of up to ten years – as an organized terrorist group. Now the quartet follows in court, which according to the indictment supported the core group or, as the investigators have since established, was part of it itself.

Above all Sebastian S., a beefy 27-year-old, was involved. He is said to have been part of the FTL 360 vigilante group, which later became the terrorist group. With this, the neo-Nazi is said to have participated in one of the attacks on an asylum shelter: a window was blown with reinforced firecrackers, and a refugee was injured in the face and eye by a splinter. Some of the explosives had 130 times more power than conventional fireworks. The act is counted as attempted murder.

With swastika flag, Bengalos and Hitler salutes

Sebastian S. is also said to have been there in an attack on the car of the former Left City Councilor Michael Richter in Freital and on an office belonging to his party. Ferenc A. is also said to have participated in the car attack. Stephanie T. is said to have supported the group, she was in a relationship with an already convicted person. When he was in custody, she encouraged him not to “whistle” to the “comrades”.

In Dirk Abraham, a man is now also accused, who was still a member of the Freital City Council for the NPD until 2019. He is said to have been the administrator of the vigilante Facebook group, also part of a chat group and thus also a member of the terrorist group. For the attack on the left office, the 52-year-old is said to have given tips, for example about the safety glass on the front window. In addition, he is said to have smeared slogans such as “Refugees not welcome” or “No home” on the town hall and other walls with Ferenc A. and others in Freital. And at a meeting of the group for a photo shoot on a Freitaler Berg – with a swastika flag, Bengalos and Hitler salutes – Abraham was there.

The four defendants followed the allegations of the Dresden Public Prosecutor’s Office in court. Nobody is in custody. Judge Hans Schlueter-Staats promises suspended sentences – if there are early confessions. The right-wing extremists take turns announcing that they want to testify.

Ferenc A. begins. Instead of a confession, however, a tough question-answer game follows. “Is everything that I’ve been accused of being true,” mumbles the man in the black hoodie. He got to know the others at a rally in front of the initial reception center in Freital, the former Hotel Leonardo. Later they hung out at the gas station. When it came to attacking the car of Left City Councilor Richter, he threw in: “Why don’t you ask me?” People sneaked in at night, Sebastian S. had smashed the car window with a baseball bat, he threw an explosive device into it.

A “deceptive calm”?

Schlüter-Staats asks: Why did it hit this politician? “He did a lot for the asylum seekers and we didn’t want it that way back then.” And the refugees, should they go? Ferenc A. nods. “Well, that was the main topic.” Otherwise A. hardly wants to remember anything. Sometimes they went to the demo in Dresden, sometimes to Heidenau, where there was right-wing riot. But more specific, names of those involved? “I never know,” A. replies again and again. A victim’s lawyer asks what his political stance was at the time. “Slightly right attitude.”

Stefanie T. also rejects almost everything. She was the applicant for one of the first anti-asylum rallies in Freital, and also in the central chat of the later core group, in which, according to self-definition, “exclusively the terrorists” gathered. But there it only claims to have been added. She really didn’t read anything, “I wasn’t interested in that.” Even with the swastika photo on the mountain, she only “came along spontaneously”.

If the others make similar statements, it could be a lengthy process of taking evidence – in which some of those already convicted could testify. Four of them have since been released on parole. On the other hand, investigations are still underway against three suspects in the Freital complex.

One of her victims at the time was Steffi Brachtel. The left-wing local politician got involved with refugees in Freital, opposed the racists – and became their target. Brachtel’s name was sprayed on walls with threats, her mailbox was blown up and her son attacked. In the trial, Brachtel will testify as a witness. Yes, it has become quieter in Freital, says the 44-year-old. “But I don’t know whether it’s a deceptive calm.” Because many people who mobilized against the refugees are still there. And a new comradeship is currently being organized in nearby Dresden.

In fact, Freitals Mayor Uwe Rumberg initially downplayed the deeds. He also criticized the asylum policy and some refugees as “soldiers of fortune”. In June of this year he resigned from the CDU with eight other local MPs because of “major differences in content on various political issues”, including asylum policy. The AfD, the strongest force in the city council since 2019, rejoiced over the “courageous step”.

Steffi Brachtel therefore remains on guard. The mood could change again at some point, she fears. Especially now that many right-wing conspiracies were again attached to the Corona crisis. “We have to be careful,” says Brachtel. “And I’ll keep my mouth open if necessary.”


taz research on threatening letters: Call from “NSU 2.0”

The “NSU 2.0” was more intensive and active earlier than previously known. The main suspect police officer has called for the election of the AfD.

Poster at a protest in Wiesbaden in July Photo: Arne Dedert / dpa picture alliance

FRANKFURT A.M./KIRTORF/BERLIN taz | The perpetrator or perpetrators who have sent the more than 80 “NSU 2.0” threats to date have spied out target persons more intensively than previously known. As taz research has shown, a man tried by phone in August 2018 to get private data from taz author * in Hengameh Yaghoobifarah. At the time, he phoned the taz editorial office, pretended to be a police officer and made a threat. In two later “NSU 2.0” letters, precise reference is made to this call.

At the time of the call, no threats from “NSU 2.0” were publicly known. The messages in which the phone call is mentioned were sent in October 2019 and June 2020 from the address that the investigators assign to the “NSU 2.0”. “SS-Obersturmbannführer” is given as the sender. It is a mail account with the provider Yandex, whose username is a racist swear word.

The “leader” of the “NSU 2.0”, as the sender calls himself, expresses several times in emails that Yaghoobifarah is receiving “special treatment”, that it is “our primary goal”. Yaghoobifarah has been receiving massive threats for a long time, which increased again after a column critical of the police in June 2020.

In the “NSU 2.0” mails that the taz has received, several private data of people who are not publicly known who have received threatening letters from the “NSU 2.0” are mentioned. Including an old and the current address of the Frankfurt lawyer Seda Başay-Yıldız, as the taz had reported. Başay-Yıldız received the first known threat from “NSU 2.0” by fax in August 2018. Shortly before, private data had been accessed from her on a duty computer in a Frankfurt police station.

A suspected policeman

The investigators still suspect a Frankfurt police officer to have requested the data and sent the “NSU 2.0” faxes. The suspicion that he is behind the threatening emails has not been confirmed, according to the Frankfurt prosecutor. A year ago, the public prosecutor made a request for legal assistance to Russia in order to get the traffic data of the Yandex address. According to taz information, this has not yet been answered, although the German side has followed up several times.

According to taz research, the accused policeman is policeman Johannes S. The current 31-year-old belonged to a chat group in which police officers from the 1st precinct exchanged right-wing extremist content. According to the public prosecutor’s office, intensive investigations were conducted against him from May 2019 to the end of 2019. In June 2019, the investigators searched his apartment in Frankfurt and his house in Kirtorf in Central Hesse for the second time. His communications were also monitored.

Johannes S. expressed himself politically in social networks. On Facebook, for example, shortly before the 2013 federal election, he wrote: “On the 22nd it’s a cross for the AfD …. and no, this vote is NOT given away!” When the G20 summit took place in Hamburg, he posted a “Fck Antifa “lettering, plus hashtags like #scheisslinke, #terrorvonlinks and #ingedankenbeidenkollegen. The posts are available to the taz. Johannes S. did not want to speak to the taz and did not answer any written questions.

It is unclear how the “NSU 2.0” sender obtained the current address of Başay-Yıldız. The Hessian Interior Minister Peter Beuth (CDU) said on Thursday in the plenum of the state parliament in Wiesbaden that there had been no further illegal inquiries in the police system in Hesse.

You can read the entire research on the threatening letters from the “NSU 2.0” and the suspicious police officer in the taz on the weekend of May 5th / 6th. September 2020.


taz research on “NSU 2.0”: Are you asked for police data again?

The lawyer Seda Başay-Yıldız has been threatened by the “NSU 2.0” for two years. A new threatening mail even gives their current address.

Lawyer Seda Başay-Yıldız has been receiving threatening letters from “NSU 2.0” for more than two years Photo: Janine Schmitz / photothek / imago

FRANKFURT A. M./BERLIN taz | The perpetrator or perpetrators behind the “NSU 2.0” threats have again obtained private data from the threatened lawyer Seda Başay-Yıldız. In an email signed with “NSU 2.0 Der Führer” from the end of June, according to taz research, your current, publicly unknown address in Frankfurt is given. So there is a suspicion that personal data has been requested again in a police system.

“SS-Obersturmbannführer” is given as the sender name of the mail, it is not addressed directly to the lawyer and is available to the taz. The message was sent from the email address of the Russian provider Yandex, which, according to investigators, is used by the perpetrator (s). According to this, more than 80 threatening letters have been sent by “NSU 2.0” so far, most of them from this email address, which has a racist swear word as its user name.

Başay-Yıldız has been receiving threatening letters from “NSU 2.0” for more than two years. In the first fax to her on August 2, 2018, insults were given, her home address and the name of her daughter, who was threatened with death. The data had been called up shortly beforehand by a service computer in a Frankfurt police station. It is still being determined whether a Frankfurt police officer has requested the data and is involved in the threats.

In another fax at the end of December 2018, private data on Başay-Yıldız’s family members were again given. The investigators then assumed that these came from the same query. This cannot be the case with the current address mentioned now. It must come from a new query or from another source.

“Interior Minister Beuth is part of the problem”

Neither the Hessian State Criminal Police Office (LKA) nor the Ministry of the Interior in Wiesbaden answered the taz’s question as to whether the use of police databases was checked in this current case. The Frankfurt public prosecutor did not want to comment “for tactical reasons of investigation”. The investigators have had the mail since mid-July. The LKA and the Ministry of the Interior did not answer the question of whether Başay-Yıldız was informed that the “NSU 2.0” knew her current private address. Corresponding inquiries were made on Friday last week or on Tuesday. Başay-Yıldız himself did not want to comment when asked by the taz.

In a current email from Thursday night, the “NSU 2.0” explicitly points out the lawyer’s address change without being asked. In the response mail to a taz press request, it says that she has meanwhile moved to Frankfurt. “But it doesn’t help.” This mail was also sent to various LKA addresses in Hesse and Berlin.

For Günter Rudolph, the parliamentary managing director of the SPD parliamentary group in the Hessian state parliament, it is a “clear alarm signal” if the personal data of those concerned was recently accessed again improperly. Compared to the taz, he criticized the Hessian Interior Minister Peter Beuth (CDU): Anyone who let such crimes run for two years and only now announces further security measures has simply not recognized the problem. “Interior Minister Beuth is part of the problem, not the solution,” said Rudolph.

The domestic political spokesman for the left in the state parliament, Hermann Schaus, finds it “very frightening when a blocked address ends up at NSU 2.0”. He emphasizes: “This laissez-faire style that the investigators are displaying must be changed at full speed.”

Inquiries to police computers in connection with “NSU 2.0” letters were also given at two different police stations in Wiesbaden at the beginning of 2019 and 2020, respectively. There, the data of the cabaret artist Idil Baydar and the Hessian left-wing parliamentary group chairman Janine Wissler, who received both “NSU 2.0” threatening letters a little later, by SMS and email.

The two officers, who were logged into the service computer at the time in question, claimed that they had not requested the data. Baydar’s data was also queried from the police in Berlin in March 2019. In Hamburg, police computers were used to request data from taz columnist Hengameh Yaghoobifarah in the summer; in this case, too, according to the police, no official connection can be identified. Previously, on June 15, a police-critical column by Yaghoobifarah appeared in the taz, which sparked a heated debate.

According to taz information, several “NSU 2.0” threats have been sent from the Yandex address in the past few days; they went to Wissler, Baydar, the left-wing member of the Bundestag Martina Renner and other recipients in the police, judiciary and media .

You can read all of the research about the threatening letters from the “NSU 2.0” and the connections to the police in the taz on the weekend of 5./6. September 2020.


Suspect in the “NSU 2.0” case: the snake breeder

An armed ex-police officer in Landshut is arrested in the course of the “NSU 2.0” investigation. Apparently he is close to local politics.

Unusual hobby: The NSU 2.0 suspect breeds the snake species Boa constrictor Photo: image

LANDSHUT taz | The boa constrictor is a type of boa that is characterized by its diverse appearances. The animals, also called idol snakes, can be between one and 4.5 meters long. They are red, white, brown and-or black. Snake fans all over the world find it fascinatingly different.

The man, who calls himself Eugen Prinz, breeds these animals together with his wife, even if he is not a big fan of diversity himself. Not in his living space.

Prince bears testimony to this when he writes articles: For example about the “Muslim machos” who would not integrate or the alleged hatred of Germany by the taz. Eugen Prinz writes for the right-wing extremist platform Politically Incorrect and his own blog. In real life he is called Hermann S.

On July 24th, the Frankfurt Public Prosecutor sent the police to Landshut-Auloh to see Hermann S. aka Eugen Prinz. The suspicion: S. could have written six of the at least 71 threatening emails that have since been received by prominent activists, politicians and journalists and all of which were written in the name of “NSU 2.0”.

Right hatred from the norm German idyll

In July, the police took away computers and data media, as well as three weapons that S. illegally owned, a pump gun and two pistols. The evaluation of the data should now show whether S. is actually behind the six threatening emails.

Landshut-Auloh, that is the norm German idyll. Generous but inconspicuous houses, trimmed lawns, the FC Bayern flag is waving, a cat is missing, the citizens’ forum is looking for helpers on the way to school. To S. ‘ Wooden picket fence hangs a sign that shows a shitting dog in the crosshairs.

The public prosecutor’s office is now concerned with whether S. also takes people into his crosshairs or would like to take them. The investigators had obtained a search warrant because the threats sent to politicians and artists in July came from an email address that also uses the pseudonym Eugen Prinz.

S. himself denies the allegations and claims to have been the victim of an intrigue. Among other things, he points out that the emails contain not only his pseudonym, but also his real name and full address. The Frankfurt am Main public prosecutor’s office confirms this. The evaluation of S. ‘ Hardware is still going on. The Munich public prosecutor’s office is meanwhile dealing with the three unreported weapons. There are also legal weapons in the S. household, he is a marksman.

Visiting the AfD in the Bundestag

S. had once worked as a police officer. The now 63-year-old resigned from the police force 16 years ago and is now receiving a pension that could now be withdrawn from him in the course of disciplinary proceedings.

What do the Landshut police say? “We are a very young agency,” says Landshut police chief Helmut Eibensteiner on the phone. “Almost nobody here knows that.” Two colleagues still worked with S. for whom Eibensteiner would put his hand on the fire. If S. had any information that he shouldn’t have, it was definitely not from the Landshut inspection, according to the chief police officer.

Even if S. in the end cannot be classified as part of the NSU 2.0, it is worth taking a closer look. Because even if no story about threatening emails comes to light, there is at least one story about the lack of distance between people like him and local politics. Eugen Prinz aka Hermann S. is more than just a real smack from the provinces.

In May 2019, the AfD invites various journalists to the “Conference of the Free Media” in the party’s parliamentary group in the Bundestag. With wraps and Asian poultry skewers, there is an opportunity to exchange ideas about possible cooperation between the AfD and the far-right of the blogger scene. Members of the Bundestag come into conversation with dubious authors, for example with the Islam critic, ex-CSU Munich spokesman and PI writer Michael Stürzenberger, who has several criminal records.

Wish for a more aggressive AfD

Götz Kubitschek should not be missing either, three representatives of the Identity Movement observed by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution are there, including Herrmann S. and Eugen Prinz. The photo that was taken of him at the conference – S. wears an AfD collar and looks grim – he consistently uses as a picture of the author.

In the following February, Eugen Prinz addressed the AfD directly in a PI News article. In the text he formulates the wish for a new, aggressive AfD, whose politicians refuse to provide information to the established media and cause “inconvenience” to the parliamentarians of the established parties. The writer’s sympathy for the AfD is no secret.

There is also an online newspaper in which texts by Eugen Prinz appeared:, a “platform for citizen journalism”, launched and supported by Rudolf Schnur from the Landshut CSU, who lives near the snake-breeding couple in Auloh. Schnur is the head of the CSU parliamentary group in the city council.

In 2015, Schnur and S. agreed to work together – and to set up the “Immigration” department, which S. is responsible for, where interested citizens can find out more about crimes committed by people with a migration background. Prinz promptly raved about a German Rape Wave, an alleged wave of rape by refugees.

No clear border to the AfD

What does Schnur, the CSU man, say? Today he claims to media representatives that he ended his collaboration with S. in 2015 and has not been in contact with the man since. However, it once sounded different on his own homepage, where it was said that the immigration department had been “outsourced”. Because it gets so much attention.

It does not necessarily speak in favor of a clear demarcation of the CSU from the right wing when the armed snake breeder, who serves as a court reporter to the AfD, has been hanging out with their city council politicians for years – if not buddies.

In 2008, Schnur also founded the Landshut Citizens’ Forum, which was renamed the association in 2016. Hermann S. once again advertised events of this club vigorously on his blog, he is also said to have initiated events in the restaurant of a gymnastics club.

In 2016 Vera Lengsfeld came to the restaurant, shortly afterwards the journalist Iris Nicole Masson, about whom you can hardly find anything via Google search today, except for the event announcement from the pen of Eugen Prinz. CSU man Schnur is also said to have been on site on both evenings. Because of xenophobic failures in the context of the lectures, the gymnastics club subsequently banned the club from entering.

King defies the threats

Schnur no longer wants to comment on this issue, and he also refuses a personal conversation – as does Hermann S. Instead: A visit to Anja König, SPD chairwoman in Landshut, who received threatening letters in 2017. On a photo that was sent along with her, someone had smeared a swastika on her forehead, the letter said: “You soci-devils all belong to Auschwitz.”

A perpetrator could not be identified at the time, now she has presented the letters to the public prosecutor again. For König, the connection between the CSU and the new right blogger is nothing new. “We have known for a long time that Mr. Schnur should be treated with caution and that he is not afraid of being close to the people in question. Nobody can tell me that they are no longer in contact, ”she says.

König also criticizes the Landshut CSU for helping the three AfD city councilors to have a greater say in the city parliament by increasing the number of committee seats. While Prime Minister Söder now calls the AfD the enemy and regrets the rapprochement that the CSU pursued in 2018 towards the AfD, there are apparently fewer fears of contact between CSU members and the far right at the local level.

Some time ago, König received an anonymous message on his cell phone, which alludes to her WhatsApp profile picture with her granddaughter in a subliminally aggressive manner. König, who is known as a committed campaigner against right-wing extremism, does not want to be intimidated by this. “I already said in 2017 that they should tell me that face to face. I’m always open to discussions. But if nothing comes of that, they’re cowardly dogs. “


Racist attack in Hanau: “Our whole life has been destroyed”

After the memorial demonstration for the victims of the Hanau attack was banned, the speeches were broadcast via live stream. We publish four excerpts.

Commemoration at the crime scene in Hanau – the racist attack was six months ago Photo: dpa / Boris Roessler

Emis Gürbüz, Mutter von Sedat Gürbüz († 30)

“Sedat loved the summer. Whenever April had a warm day, it immediately went out in shorts and a T-shirt. It was still cold when he died. Summer is almost over now and he hasn’t seen any of it. He liked it when the teachers read out stories. I also read to him. Snow White and the 7 dwarfs, Little Red Riding Hood, also Turkish stories. (…) Sedat was our first child. He would be 30 years old now. But it is now underground. Where there is no light. Our pain is getting bigger every day. I’m still waiting for him to come home. I don’t hear him anymore, I don’t see him anymore. (…) I can’t stand my child lying underground. Even after this act, consequences were promised, nothing happened. (…) What was stolen from us, no one can pay this debt. We want to be treated as human beings, we’ve lived in Germany for 50 years, I worked with my family before the crime, we didn’t need anyone’s help. This land made us victims. Our health, our whole life is completely destroyed. The cemetery has become my apartment. (…) “


Serpil Unvar, Mutter von Ferhat Unvar († 23)

“I should have told him so much more. We always thought we still have so much time. We have seen so much in this short life of my son. (..) I think so much about how many times we argued about school. Ferhat was a gifted child, very intelligent and very lively. In our experience, teachers often do not accept a foreign child. (…) I kept saying to him: You have to work more than the others because you don’t have the same opportunities as the German children. (…) He was a fighter. In the end, Ferhat graduated from the Ludwig Geißler School with very good grades. He was one of the best. He wanted to study and he wanted to write a book, that was his big goal. (…) Our children must not have died in vain. Your death must be the end, the end of racist attacks. Her death should be the beginning of something new, of schools without racism and of a coexistence in which we all have equal rights. (…) When we have done that, I will stand at my son’s grave and say: That was your fight and you made it. (…) “


Diana Kurtovic, Mutter von Hamza Kurtovic († 20)

“I want to tell you about my experience of the night my son was murdered. We were trying all the time to find out where our son is. We looked everywhere for him and for information about what had happened. Why didn’t they tell us where they were driving the injured? Why was it so difficult to tell us: Your son has been taken to the hospital in Frankfurt? Why did we have to wait eight days to see our son? (…) The police officers on site should have told us something. But we were not given any information. We were all brought into a hall, there should be information. Many relatives were waiting with us, we waited for hours. Why was it so difficult to talk to us? (…) I came to the decision, and it is only with a heavy heart that you admit that, we were second-class people for the police officers. Foreigners who are put in a drawer again (…) Our roots were the reason for the ignorant behavior of the officials. Racism and discrimination are part of everyday life for us, although we have successfully integrated ourselves and see ourselves as Germans. (…) “


Alija Kurtović, Schwester von Hamza Kurtović († 20)

“We have been busy finding answers to our questions ourselves over the past few months. For questions that are important, for processing, for clarification and for us as relatives. Questions that no one has answered to this day. Could this act have been prevented if the authorities had acted in good time? Has the state done its job of ensuring security? How can it be that this perpetrator, who was so often suspicious, was not withdrawn from circulation? (…)

How can it be that a perpetrator with such a history can legally own weapons at all? (…) Has he been checked for his reliability – a perpetrator who took part in combat training twice last year in Slovakia and who had apparently long been prepared for this act? A perpetrator who then murdered nine people in two districts in cold blood within 12 minutes. Half a year has now passed and there are still so many questions unanswered. We expect complete clarification so that lessons can be learned. (…) We owe that to the murdered, and that is the least we can do. “


Mayor on Hanau attack: “The pain runs deep”

Six months after the racist murder of nine people, the mayor of Hanau, Claus Kaminsky (SPD), calls for a quicker investigation.

“We will not stop the commemoration,” says Mayor Claus Kaminsky Photo: Bernd Hartung

taz: Mr. Kaminsky, six months ago Tobias R. shot and killed nine people in Hanau for racist reasons. How does the deed work today?

Claus Kaminsky: February 19 was the worst day Hanau had experienced in peacetime. And it continues to have an effect in urban society to this day. This will be the case for many years and decades, especially for the relatives of the victims. You will be reminded of these horrific racist murders all your life.

After the attack, you hung a banner on your town hall: “The victims were not strangers.” The vigils said: “Hanau stands together”. Is that still true today?

My impression is: yes. Most of the urban society stands together and has shown a lot of solidarity. There are one or two critical letters as to why we want to posthumously honor the murder victims with the city’s golden plaque of honor, that would not correspond to the honor system. But that’s too small a diamond for me. There is no honor in the city for what we want to honor here, because we never intended to do something like that. The message is: You belong to us. And that’s why we will award the badge that way.

But the banner at the town hall has now been replaced?

Yes, in close consultation with the victims’ relatives – just like everything we do as a city on this matter. We put up a new banner that points more forward: “No place for racism and violence. Hanau stands together. For respect, tolerance and moral courage. “

The fact: On February 19, Tobias R. shot and killed nine people with a migration background in two bars in Hanau, then his mother and himself. The 43-year-old had previously announced his hatred of migrants on the Internet. The federal prosecutor’s office is still investigating – the end is not in sight. So far, they have classified the act as right-wing extremist, but not the perpetrator. The victims’ relatives criticize the investigation, which is not transparent to them.

The commemoration: On Wednesday afternoon, the city, the initiative on February 19 and others will remember the attack with a commemoration ceremony on the market square, Mayor Kaminsky will speak. On Saturday, 1 p.m., left-wing initiatives nationwide are calling for a demonstration in Hanau – with the demand for clarification and the consequences of the attack. (taz)

You met the victims’ relatives again a month ago. How are you

The pain these families reveal in conversation is hard for me to bear. That runs very, very deeply with the relatives. And that will never go away. You just have to try to imagine it would have hit your own children or siblings (falters) … tel.

What has the city done for the victims so far?

We had set up a victim counseling center by their side and helped them concretely and unbureaucratically, with burials, visits to the authorities or psychological help. We sent therapists to the youth center in Kesselstadt and founded a new specialist agency to promote democracy. But the work is not over yet.

Some relatives want new apartments because they live close to the crime scene. That didn’t work out until today.

We’re doing our best on this, too. In one case we offered six apartments. But it is not easy, because the apartments have to fit the families and those affected sometimes have mood swings and then they want to stay in the old apartment.

Other bereaved relatives complain that they lost their jobs and that the compensation is not enough.

There are different views among families and the federal government is the main point of contact. Wherever we could cover costs, we did. The collected donations have also all been passed on. The state of Hesse now wants to launch a new funding program. I am in close contact with those affected on a regular basis, also to make sure: How far are we? Where do we have to readjust? And to keep what I promised the families at the funeral service: We won’t leave them alone.

Çetin Gültekin, the brother of the shot Gökhan Gültekin, criticized in an interview with the taz that the authorities had ignored warning signs before the attack. Is there an authority failure?

I’m still waiting for the results of the investigation. However, I consider the demand for a really complete clarification, which the relatives represent in unison, to be completely justified. The fact that the perpetrator was able to come out as a racist on the Internet, that he even wrote to the federal prosecutor’s office, and the weapons authority still issued him with a gun license, certainly raises questions. Personally, I am in favor of tightening gun law. At least the existing rules should be implemented consistently. I think families could deal with it if you apologized to them and explained what didn’t go well. But the current impression – not everything that is known would be revealed – is fatal.

The Federal Prosecutor’s Office does not want to make everything public so as not to endanger the investigation.

That is surely correct. Then the investigation should slowly come to an end. That would also be important for the grief work. Take Viorel Păun, who was still chasing the perpetrator, tried unsuccessfully to reach the police on the way and was then shot – a hero. You have to explain to them calmly that the parents are worried, how it went and why he couldn’t reach the police. Or Hamza Kurtović, who is said to have been described as “oriental” in his autopsy report, just because of his name, even though he was blond – that is deeply disturbing, and that too needs to be explained. And not through the media, but in advance and directly to the families.

The 60-year-old is an SPD politician and administrator. Since 2003 he has been Lord Mayor of Hanau. He wants to be re-elected in 2021.

On Saturday, relatives and initiatives want to demonstrate in Hanau to clear up the attack – and for political consequences. Are you in?

I am one of the first to sign the demo call and will be there, yes.

Was there a politically appropriate response to the attack?

What is appropriate here? In any case, even at the federal level, I can see an effort to address right-wing extremism and racism with a different seriousness than before after the attack in Hanau. At this point, I already see the Hanau attack as a turning point: This fight against hatred is now being carried out with a different dynamic, including that against the malevolences that are spread on the Internet. At least that’s my impression. And my hope.

The commemoration of the attack was recently disputed in your city: a CDU member of parliament pleaded for flowers and pictures to be removed from the Brothers Grimm memorial and for the memorial to be moved to the cemetery.

We will not stop the commemoration and we will not suppress it either. That would be completely inappropriate, and I don’t think that my CDU colleague meant it that way. How is that supposed to work? A return to normal? What normality? We can only stop fighting racism and violence when respect and tolerance are normal and natural. We have initiated a design competition for our own memorial to the victims of the attack. As long as this is not realized, the Grimm Memorial will be a place where people can pause again and again.

What should the new monument look like?

I am completely open to both the form and the location. Let’s see what the experts suggest – and what the victims’ relatives favor. Their judgments and their feelings have top priority for me on all these points.

They are also planning a democracy center.

Yes, the property should be ready in a few weeks. Various groups are to develop democratic ideas under one roof in the center. I would also find that a very important sign.


Process of the attack in Halle: the silence of the family

The family of the assassin from Halle is silent in court. A friend’s testimony shows that everyone looked away when the accused radicalized.

Danger of escape: Halle’s assassin is shackled in the courtroom Photo: Ronny Hartmann / Pool via Reuters

MAGDEBURG taz | This Wednesday, the father, mother and half-sister of the Halle assassin sit in the hall of the Oberlandesgericht Naumburg in Magdeburg – just long enough to exercise their right to refuse to testify. They do nothing to clarify the question of how it could have happened that their son and brother tried to storm the Halle synagogue, heavily armed, on 9 October 2019 and, after this plan failed, killed two people.

The fourth day of negotiations in the Halle process therefore begins with silence. The statements of the family would be of particular interest to the co-plaintiffs. According to lawyer Kristin Pietrzyk, they want to know the structures in which the perpetrator moved, whether and how his right-wing extremist ideology was expressed, which ultimately led to the attack on a synagogue and a snack bar. According to current knowledge, the accused’s social life was largely restricted to his family.

The fourth witness to this trial day is the former partner of the accused’s sister. Used too far to refuse to testify, and close enough to have an insight into the family, he answers the questions of the judge and the attorney for almost four hours. About the relationship with the mother, about the father, in whose shed he made the weapons used in the attack. About the sister, who never got as much attention as the accused.

He was calm and reserved, the witness says and confirms the prevailing picture. However, it also shows another side. There was regular talk at the mother’s lunch table. 2015 about the “refugee crisis”, about whether Chancellor Merkel was able to govern. The witness often finds it difficult to give concrete statements. But he remembers one of the accused’s statements: “The Jews are to blame.” He “kept out”, says the witness.

Even after “the thing” there is silence

He also stayed out when the defendant loudly approached two people in a supermarket because they did not speak in German. He also stayed away from unemployment. He said nothing about a knife, a helmet, a sword, empty cartridge cases and a model tank decorating the accused’s children’s room. He didn’t ask why the defendant was paranoid about location systems and account creation. He examined a metal press made by the accused and answered technical questions about metal processing, but stayed out of the question of what the accused was doing in his father’s shed.

Even today, after “the matter”, the family kept silent. “Nobody wants to address it.” The mother was too unstable after attempting suicide, the father was displaced. In all of his descriptions, the witness appears to be passive. Even when it comes to his own involvement in the extreme right-wing scene, which was “very long” and also “only took half a year or less”.

But it was just such passivity that made the assassination possible. This is emphasized by several lawyers: in the secondary lawsuit. A co-plaintiff addressed the witness himself: “The scene in the supermarket already showed that the perpetrator would become who he became. Given that it’s a process, how would you stop your son from becoming what the accused is like? ”His answer: He didn’t know.


Trial against Halle assassins: No single perpetrator

To leave it alone with a judgment in Magdeburg would be wrong. The threat to the law remains real for many people.

On October 9, 2019, two people were shot in Halle Photo: Jonas Woitas / dpa

The Halle assassin is on trial in Magdeburg. The man who tried to cause a massacre in the Halle synagogue on the Jewish holiday Yom Kippur in October, then shot a passer-by in the street and then a man in a kebab snack bar will be sentenced to a long prison term. Breathe deeply, finally peace and order returns. At least for some people in this country – but not for far too many.

“How could it come so far?” This question could be heard everywhere “after Halle”. CDU boss Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer spoke of an “alarm signal”, and “horror” of Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier. But anti-Semitic violence is not new in Germany, on the contrary. In his recently published book “Terror against Jews”, the author Ronen Steinke lists a chronicle of anti-Semitic violence since 1945 on 90 pages. The assassin may have acted alone, but he was not alone.

Not only did he apparently radicalize himself in an online community riddled with hate – but also in a country whose social discourse is wide open to the right and which closes the eyes from murderous contexts. The murderer from Halle broadcast his crime online. He wanted recognition and was convinced that he would get it.

The fact that he thought this way is not only due to neo-Nazis, but also to people who, as “concerned citizens”, speak of “Islamization” and “alienation”. To people who perceive an increasingly confident diversity in Germany – be it in terms of origin, religion, sexual or gender identity – as a threat to the “German culture”.

Whoever says “foreign infiltration” is guilty

Most of these people would never pick up a gun, and many of them may have reacted with horror to the Halle attack. Nevertheless, with their attitude they provide the fertile ground on which such hatred grows with such self-confidence. Therefore, peace and order must not return. There must finally be turmoil. To focus solely on this one offender and the attack in Halle falls short.

In a post by the left-wing video journalism platform Leftvision, a woman who experienced the attack in the synagogue said: It is easy to put more police in front of synagogues and say: “The Jews are safe. Problem solved. ”But that’s not enough. The perpetrator was not only anti-Semite, he was also a racist and anti-feminist. This is no coincidence: When we talk about “controlled alienation” – there must be someone in the background who is controlling.

When it comes to “birth war”, someone has a perfidious plan to manipulate birth rates – so that Christian white women have fewer children and Muslim women of color more. The Halle attack cannot be separated from the murder of Walter Lübcke, the racist attack in Hanau, in which a racist shot nine people in and around shisha bars, and also not from the threatening letters from NSU 2.0, all of them especially left and women of color are affected.

Only certain people in Germany can afford to sit back after the verdict in Magdeburg and say: Fortunately, this monster is behind bars, normal life can go on. The monster didn’t come out of nowhere and the threat is real to so many people in this country. For Jews, for migrants, for People of Color. For queers. For women.

It is therefore not enough for Hesse’s Interior Minister Peter Beuth to use a special investigator to determine whether ob there is a right network in the Hessian police. The questions must finally be: Where there is this network – and how can we break it up.