Jun 25, 2009 – Michael Jackson dies in Los Angeles, Record Date – Record Date

The Angels, June 25, 2009, 12.20 pm – A call comes in at the emergency center: “We have a man here who needs help, he’s not breathing. We tried to revive him, but …” the 50 year old Michael Jackson, which in the 1980s became the “King of Pop“rose – 13 Grammys, 750 million albums sold, estimated annual earnings of 35 million Dollar. Should be three weeks later Comeback start. Under the title “This Is It“will be 50 within eight months Shows planned in London. Has daily Jackson Rehearsed for hours and then can’t sleep. Now he doesn’t wake up anymore. Every rescue comes too late.

The autopsy report states that Jackson died from an overdose of the anesthetic propofol. The coroners also found sedatives, valium, and anti-anxiety drugs in the blood, all of them Jacksons General Practitioner Dr. Conrad Murray were administered. He was sentenced to prison for negligent homicide in November 2011 and released in October 2013. To this day he denies any responsibility.

Thriller“is the world’s most successful album

To be born Michael Joseph Jackson on August 29, 1959 in the black ghetto of Gary near Chicago – as the eighth of ten children of a crane driver and a saleswoman. Michael showed great talent for music from an early age. After starting school he performs with his big brothers, the Rhythm and Blues, Soul and Swing play. father Joseph drills the siblings, they should make a career. He lets them do competitions and talent shows. Michael is nine and lead singer, as the “Jackson Five“Got their first record deal. The band sells ten million albums. Produced in 1971 Michael his first solo record. Shortly before his 14th birthday he had “Ben“, his sixth solo single, his first number one.

After that it dissolves Jackson gradually from direct family influence. producer Quincy Jones helps him make his own music for the first time. The album “Off the Wall“1979 was a great success. Three years later followed with”Thriller“The world’s most successful album to date: Seven songs will be Hits – and the 24-year-old to a brand with its own choreography, clothes and hairstyle. Over two decades, his face became more feminine and his skin lighter. However, he denies having cosmetic surgery. Only his nose had been operated on twice. It is certain that he suffers from the white spot disease Vitiligo. In some places the skin has no pigments.

Sexually Abused Children?

After an accident on the stage begins 1984 Jacksons Drug addiction. Pyrotechnics burns a piece of scalp the size of the palm of his hand. From that day on, the musician swallows painkillers. Nevertheless, with the albums “Bad“(1987) and”Dangerous“(1991) as well as with the movie”Moonwalker“(1988) further commercial successes. In August 1993 a worldwide dispute began about the question of whether Jackson sexually assaulted children. When he is charged, he breaks the “Dangerous World TourIn January 1994 the family of the 13-year-old, the Jackson had charged, the civil suit back, allegedly motivated by a million payment. In April 1994 the police investigations are also stopped.

Musically and commercially difficult years followed. When in 2001 the long awaited album “Invincible“If it fails fans and criticism, a dispute develops between Jackson and his record company, which accuses him of ruining his career with his bizarre looks and reputation as a “child molester”. In spring 2003 says Jackson in a television documentary that he was on his Neverland-Ranch occasionally shares the bed with his little guests, but nothing is sexual about it. On November 18 of the same year, his property was searched. This time it comes to trial. Even though Jackson acquitted in June 2005, he is in poor shape. Jacksons Lawyer sees his client rapidly deteriorating: “He is exhausted, he has not slept, he has not eaten.” Used even then Jackson presumably the anesthetic propofol as a sleep aid. He calls the white emulsion “my milk”.

Stand: 25.06.2014

Programmtipps:

On WDR 2 you can always hear the due date around 9.40 a.m. Repetition: from Monday to Friday around 5.40 p.m. and on Saturday at 6.40 p.m. The deadline is available as a podcast after it has been broadcast.

“ZeitZeichen” on WDR 5 (9:05 am) and WDR 3 (5:45 pm) also commemorates June 25, 2014 Michael Jackson. The “ZeitZeichen” is also available as a podcast.

Country Roads becomes the state song of West Virginia Travel

Tuesday evening, the first week of the long summer vacation. A dozen teenagers sit in the music room of the silent Berkeley Springs High School, fiddling with tubas, horns, and kettledrum. The marching music also rehearses during the non-teaching period, because the songs have to be perfect before the big apple sauce parade in October. The Indians, the school’s only moderately successful football team, will also be given musical assistance again from autumn. Ian Helmick, conductor in sneakers, distributes the sheet music. A little Disney, a little Brahms – and now Country Roads too. “It’s wonderful that our politicians have now officially made the song their anthem,” says Helmick. Now it will be firmly included in the repertoire.

Berkeley Springs is actually closer to Interstate 70 than to really quiet country roads. Nevertheless, the small spa town is idyllic. Here, the population gets fresh spring water from the central well, the program in the Star Cinema is still hand-painted on signs. Three traffic lights regulate the traffic in the village. Time in West Virginia stood still a little, as was told before the trip.

Everyone in West Virginia knows the text

Country Roads is no longer brand new either, but more than 40 years old. It is probably the most sung song in the state, can be heard at village festivals and in pubs, at weddings and sporting events, since 1972 after every home game of the West Virginia Mountaineers, the university football team in Morgantown. “The song breaks out of us spontaneously whenever we are fine,” explains Ken Sullivan, who published a thick encyclopedia on West Virginia last year. The entry for “Country Roads” therein notes that the song is “proudly sung throughout the state.” Really everyone here knows the lyrics, says Sullivan, can join in, become part of the song – even the boys. “I love this song, I have it on my phone,” says 16-year-old Logan, a trumpeter in the Berkeley Springs School Orchestra. And flautist Melissa agrees: “I know every line by heart. Country Roads is one of us.”

Now officially too. In March, West Virginia’s Parliament declared Country Roads a “State Song”. This gives the sage an official character and can be played at the beginning of council meetings or at receptions. Now the government is also obliged to keep a correct version of the text and notes for posterity. But nothing changes for the population: they can sing as they want.

The mountain state has four songs

All 50 states in the USA have a state song – that is part of the political inventory. In addition to a capital (in West Virginia: Charleston), a flag (peasants and miners on a white background), a motto (“mountain people are always free”) and a state bird (red cardinal), there should also be a song that denotes the country can be sung about. West Virginia treats itself to more than most: Country Roads is already the fourth official song of the mountain state, although the first three songs are not nearly as well known.

Four songs, that’s unusual. “It will undoubtedly be the beauty of our state that increasingly encourages composing,” comments Betty Cutlip from the state tourism office dryly. At least here, West Virginia enjoys a bit of abundance, otherwise there is more of a scarcity: too little income, too few jobs, too few vitamins. The state leads the national negative statistics in almost all disciplines, is one of the poorest and thickest in the country, has the highest rate of toothless and one of the highest smoking rates. In addition, there are the problems with the toxic chemical plants and the coal-fired power plants, which affect people and nature, but are important employers. The state’s image is precarious; West Virginia stands for white poverty, desolate life, eternal hillbillys all over America. Last year the youth broadcaster MTV showed its own reality show (“Buckwild”) about the supposedly primitive hillbilly kids from here. “Sometimes it hurts what people say,” says conductor Ian Helmick, biting his lip.

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Mississippi Freedom Summer 1964: Freedom’s Deadly Summer – Society

It was a shock. They drove excitedly into the semester break, at first glance you might have thought: to summer camp. They had guitars slung around their necks and light dresses when they came to Oxford, Ohio from Harvard, Stanford, and Princeton, many New Yorkers among them. 1,000 young Americans, almost all of them white, some of them Jewish, determined to make their country better and fairer. Now the students were confronted with its brutal reality. First in theory, then in practice.

In an introductory course, they were attuned to what to expect, and rules of conduct were written in. Always lock the windows and doors when driving, be sure to stay below the maximum speed – the police were just waiting for an excuse to arrest them. Fundamental issues were also debated: You are not here as do-gooders to save blacks. They practiced curling up when the police beat them, learned to shut up when they were yelled at, and let themselves be taken to jail without doing anything. Just don’t argue! Much too risky.

The legendary Mississippi Freedom Summer began on June 14, 1964 with the orientation week. From Ohio, the volunteers were sent to the front in Mississippi: to Ku Klux Klans who lynched blacks and set fire to churches, to “decent citizens” who hatefully defended their beneficiaries, to law enforcement officers who broke the law on the go. The fact that whites stayed overnight with blacks and went to demonstrate together with them was a tremendous provocation for them. The civil rights activists saw themselves as patriots, marching with flags in hand. Her opponents viewed the Freedom Summer as an “invasion of communist nigger friends.” No question about it, the young civil rights activists went to war. Unarmed. They practiced nonviolent resistance.

There had been quite a few civil rights campaigns, but never before such a concerted action. Racism dominated everyday life in every southern state, but nowhere was it as brutal as it was in Mississippi. (Alabama followed suit. Its governor Wallace promised “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever”.) Blacks made up half of the population in Mississippi, but all official offices were held by whites. When the young James Meredith tried to enroll at the University of Mississippi as the first black man the year before, the governor personally blocked his way. President Kennedy had to send the National Guards down to Meredith’s protection, and two people were killed in the clashes.

Only a few black people dared to vote here. In the USA, the voting slip does not come in the mail; you have to register for it first. In Mississippi in 1964 it was an extremely difficult and risky thing to do. If all blacks had gone to the polls, this would have meant the end of white supremacy. So boulders were put in their way: applicants had to have gone to school for six years, prove that they could read and write, pass a test with crazy questions, explain constitutional clauses. The path of the candidates was often blocked by force.

One of the most important tasks of the volunteers in this steamy hot summer was to move from hut to hut – most blacks lived in the country in appalling circumstances – to explain, to encourage the electoral process.

A wide variety of civil rights organizations in Mississippi had already formed an alliance the year before. The main groups at the Freedom Summer were CORE, Congress of Racial Equality, and most importantly, SNCC, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. SNCC (pronounced “Ssnick”), founded in 1961 as a young alternative to Martin Luther King’s Southern Christian Leadership Conference, was the most radical of the organizations.

They had almost no money. Even if Harry Belafonte, an important supporter of SNCC, kept organizing benefit concerts with friends like Frank Sinatra, the donations only covered the bare minimum. Permanent employees received less than the minimum wage, the volunteers had to finance their own living and also had to bring a few hundred dollars with them in order to be able to pay the bail themselves in the event of arrest.

Recruiting children from wealthy families was not just a practical, but a strategic decision: The organizers knew that only these students from the north would secure the attention of the national media, which deal with injustice and violence against “negroes”, such as they were called back then, didn’t care. They were soon brutally demonstrated how right they were.

Black Bob Moses, who had studied philosophy at Harvard, was the cool headmaster that summer, Mrs. Fanny Lou Hamer, as she always imagined, something like the mother of the company. The 46-year-old, who had not attended more than three school classes, and only sporadically, showed the students what to do against fear. Don’t scream, don’t run away and certainly don’t shoot, no: sing. “Oh Freedom!”, “We Shall Not be Moved”, “Go Tell It on the Mountain!”, “We Shall Overcome”. When the little round black woman opened her mouth, they all carried away. The spirituals welded the students together.

Fanny Lou Hamer was the youngest of 20 children. As a little girl she started picking cotton on a plantation. In 1962, a sermon by a pastor from SNCC encouraged them to register for election. The plantation owner then put her under pressure: Either she withdrew her registration or her job was lost. But Hamer didn’t want to go back.

Bob Moses sensed the strength of “the lady who sings the hymns” and won her over as an activist. On the way home from a workshop, she and her colleagues were arrested and beaten almost disabled in prison. But Fanny Lou Hamer could not be stopped. For them, as for many, being able to vote was the fundamental path to equality.

Voter registration was central, but not the only endeavor this summer. The civil rights activists founded Freedom Schools, Freedom Libraries and Freedom Clinics, set up community centers, played theaters, and lawyers held consultations. For the first time many blacks got an impression of what life in freedom could be like. At the schools, perhaps the happiest, freest place this summer, young and old not only learned to read and write, but also learned their own story, which did not take place in normal schools.

In the middle of the orientation phase in Ohio, the news that overshadowed the whole project burst; the film “Mississippi Burning” with Gene Hackman and Willem Dafoe tells about it: Two friends, James Chaney, a black man from Mississippi, and Michael Schwerner, Jewish social worker from New York, both employees of CORE, as well as the volunteer Andrew Goodman, had disappeared. They had made their way to a flared church that was holding a civil rights assembly. As it turned out later, the sheriff arrested the three under the pretext of overspeeding, kept them in prison until it was dark, and then drove them into the arms of the Ku Klux Klan, who in the meantime prepared the trio’s murder would have. The excavator was ready to bury the bodies.

Schwerner’s young wife Rita, also a CORE employee, was one of the tutors in the introductory workshop in Ohio. The fact that the case made such headlines and prompted the President of the United States to send the FBI and sailors to look for the bodies because two white people were there: this form of racism still outrages Rita Bender, as she is called today. For 44 days they searched and poked in the swamps. Hardly anyone was interested in the black victims of lynching who were discovered by chance.

It was a grueling, exciting, not a romantic summer. Although, yes, also because there were some love affairs between blacks and whites that were viewed by both sides as extremely ambivalent. Attacks did not only come from outside, there were also tensions within the movement. Black civil rights activists felt they were being patronized by some white volunteers and were worried about being ousted. The young students, on the other hand, found it difficult to deal with the submissiveness of the intimidated rural population. In her clever book “Freedom Summer”, Sally Belfrage tells of such strange experiences: that the landlord only sat down with her at the table when she had expressly asked him to do so a few times. The fact that the 16-year-old son always looked at the floor when he talked to her, he was so stubbornly sworn not to look at white women. That could be life-threatening in Mississippi.

While the search for the missing was still going on, President Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act in Washington on July 2, which put an end to discrimination in public places. At least in the theory of the law. The practice was different. Sally Belfrage says that in the town where she worked at the Freedom Library, the water was immediately drained from the swimming pools so that whites just didn’t have to swim with blacks. Many parks and zoos have also been closed.

On August 4, the bodies of Schwerner, Chaney and Goodman were found. The families wanted to bury their children side by side, but that was not allowed: apartheid prevailed even in cemeteries.

A few days later the climax of the Freedom Summer took place, but not in the south, but in Atlantic City. The activists had won 60,000 members for their newly formed Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. So they moved to the Democratic Congress, at which Lyndon B. Johnson was to be named as a presidential candidate. The civil rights activists wanted to challenge the official, all-white delegation from Mississippi, which would not allow blacks. Johnson was frightened: what if the representatives of all southern states abandoned him?

He arranged a compromise: the MFDP should get two extraordinary seats. Among those who testified before the committee to review the mandate was Rita Schwerner, the young widow. She was seated next to Fanny Lou Hamer, who made her grand appearance on August 22nd as deputy party leader. She told her story in front of the television cameras, venting her anger about injustice and inhumanity.

President Johnson called a rush press conference to lure the television crews away, but it was too late by then. The whole nation had heard the cotton picker read the riot act on her country with her powerful speech, encountering the discrepancy between what America wanted and should be and what it was. “Is this America, the land of the free, the home of the brave ?!” she shouted at her compatriots.

For civil rights activists, the party congress was the bitter end of a hopeful summer. It finally made it clear to them that in case of doubt they could expect nothing more than handouts from official politics. The following year, Malcolm X was shot and the Watts riot broke out with 34 dead. SNCC soon abandoned the idea of ​​togetherness and nonviolent resistance, excluding whites and joining the militant Black Panthers.

But the wheel couldn’t be turned back. The following year, President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, which paved the way for all citizens to vote. At the next party congress to nominate the presidential candidate, all-white delegations were no longer allowed. And many veterans of the summer carried what they had learned in Mississippi elsewhere: in the women’s movement or in the student revolution that began a few months later in Berkeley.